Abstract:This essay examines the ‘posthumous career’ of Chief Obafemi Awolowo, the late leader of the Yoruba of Nigeria. It focuses on why he has been unusually effective as a symbol in the politics of Yorubaland and Nigeria. Regarding Awolowo as a recent ancestor, the essay elaborates why death, burial and statue are useful in the analysis of the social history of, and elite politics in, Africa. The Awolowo case is used to contest secularist and modernist assumptions about ‘modernity’ and ‘rationality’ in a contempora… Show more
“…The dead body is ‘a node in a nexus of social relationships, objects and exchanges through which personhood and remembrance are distributed and constituted’ (Williams 2004, 267). Studying assemblages of death and burial can illuminate the analysis of elite politics and memory (Adebanwe 2008; Verdery 1999). In this way…”
Section: Geography ‘Dead Body Politics’ and The Agency Of Corpsesmentioning
This paper follows the mobilities between 1958 and 1990 of the dead body of Dr Petru Groza , a significant political figure in post-World War II socialist Romania, to explore the implications for human geography of engaging with the dead. Although there has been a considerable interest in 'geographies of the body' and 'deathscapes', human geography has had relatively little to say about dead bodies. The paper draws on literatures from death studies and dead body politics, as well as research in memory studies, history, anthropology and law, to develop an interdisciplinary approach to understanding the role of the corpse in society, and argues that human geography should do more to consider how dead bodies contribute to the formation of contemporary geographies. To illustrate these points the analysis first explores how the treatment of Groza's corpse and the 'deathwork' associated with it is an example of 'dead body politics'. Second, the analysis draws out the agency of the corpse and its role in a variety of 'deathscapes'. The conclusion considers the implications for human geography of engaging with 'corpse geographies' more generally.
“…The dead body is ‘a node in a nexus of social relationships, objects and exchanges through which personhood and remembrance are distributed and constituted’ (Williams 2004, 267). Studying assemblages of death and burial can illuminate the analysis of elite politics and memory (Adebanwe 2008; Verdery 1999). In this way…”
Section: Geography ‘Dead Body Politics’ and The Agency Of Corpsesmentioning
This paper follows the mobilities between 1958 and 1990 of the dead body of Dr Petru Groza , a significant political figure in post-World War II socialist Romania, to explore the implications for human geography of engaging with the dead. Although there has been a considerable interest in 'geographies of the body' and 'deathscapes', human geography has had relatively little to say about dead bodies. The paper draws on literatures from death studies and dead body politics, as well as research in memory studies, history, anthropology and law, to develop an interdisciplinary approach to understanding the role of the corpse in society, and argues that human geography should do more to consider how dead bodies contribute to the formation of contemporary geographies. To illustrate these points the analysis first explores how the treatment of Groza's corpse and the 'deathwork' associated with it is an example of 'dead body politics'. Second, the analysis draws out the agency of the corpse and its role in a variety of 'deathscapes'. The conclusion considers the implications for human geography of engaging with 'corpse geographies' more generally.
“…Further, the (re)production and management of cultural crises present different kinds of opportunities for, or obstacles to, those who have an interest in gaining, in one way or another, from the person's death and burial. While recent literature considers diverse forms of crises (re)produced by death and burial (Stamp 1991; Cohen and Odhiambo 1992; 2004; Gordon 1995; Adebanwi 2008a; 2008b; Branch 2010), most scholars studying Africa focus on distinctive challenges presented by specific cases of deaths and burials (and related memorials) of significant persons (in terms of the burial site, inheritance, conjugal or kinship rights/rites, legal authority, succession, etc.). Consequently, they either understate or overlook the generalizability of the “essential contestability” 11 of the material and immaterial relations of the past, present, and future provoked by death—particularly as these relations are disturbed or challenged by the person's absence—and by the process of their burial or reburial 12…”
This article uses the death and burial of one of the most important political leaders in twentieth-century Africa, and Nigeria's first and only ceremonial president, Rt. Hon. (Dr.) Nnamdi Azikiwe, to reflect on how and why the deaths and burials of significant persons in Africa represent occasions for the (re)production and management of cultural crises. It argues that the extant literature on the death of consequential persons in Africa either understates or overlooks the generalizability of the “essential contestability” of the material and immaterial relations of the past, present, and future provoked by such deaths. This is particularly visible when these relations are disturbed or challenged by the absence of the person and the process of their burial or reburial.
“…Across various disciplines, scholars have explored and discussed the concept of personality cult from several hypothetical and research perspectives, including the historical (e.g. Dogan 2007, Adebanwi 2008, political religion (Pinto and Larsen 2006), spiritual ideology (Stout 2003, Partridge 2005, Lynch 2006), and mass media (Speier 1977, Lu andSoboleva 2014). Accordingly, definitions of personality cult vary subtly from scholar to scholar and from one discipline to another.…”
Section: Some Thoughts On Personality Cultmentioning
Today, differences in popular music genres and practices can be attributed to different peoples and cultures of the world in much the same sense as the shared and varied degrees of personality cult traditions. In this respect, Nigeria ranks amongst others with a unique and demonstrable popular music and personality cult culture. Of the available literature, none addresses the relationship between popular music and personality cult in Nigeria. This article is the first to do so. Here, we go beyond a mere analysis of the attributes of an idolised persona in, say, Naira Marley to examining both the ideological and sociological determinants--of literacy, media representation, social class, musical taste, deviancy, and demographic differences--that broadly support Nigerian popular music and personality cult practices. Through synthesising various views of the concept of personality cult with quasi-ethnographic data from some devotees of the Marlian cult, this article provides a critical intervention into how such activities as listening, imitating, and idolising are constructed forms of hero-worship in the Nigerian pop music scene.
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