After a long hiatus, grand theory in anthropology is back. From the second half of the 19th century through first half of the 20th, anthropologists aimed to develop overarching theories of human cultural variation, from the early evolutionism of Tylor and Morgan to the functionalism of Malinowski to the cultural ecology of Steward. One by one, however, these theories failed. Fleeing the conceptual wreckage, many anthropologists disavowed grand theory, turning inward to produce highly particular accounts of specific populations, or to pillory anthropology itself. Predictably, anthropology's scientific influence waned (Spiro, 1992).Anthropology's subject matter, though, was too scientifically important to ignore. As the 20th century drew to a close, Jared Diamond, an outsider, put forward a materialist grand theory in Guns, Germs, and Steel that rooted economic disparities between the West and the 'Other' in the luck of the ecological draw: domesticatable species in a longitudinally extensive temperate continent, Eurasia, gave its inhabitants a leg up over those in Africa, Australia, and the Americas in developing large, innovative nation-states (Diamond, 1997).If Guns, Germs, and Steel revived materialist grand theory, then anthropologist Joseph Henrich's The WEIRDest People in the World is its ideational counterpart. Henrich credits Guns, Germs, and Steel for his initial interest in cross-cultural differences in prosperity, and in his comprehensive and thought-provoking book, Henrich (2020) presents a variety of cultural evolutionary theories to explain how Western societies became psychologically peculiar and affluent. His is ultimately an account of the cultural evolutionary success of one unusual family of religious movements and institutions -the Catholic Church and the Protestant Reformation -whose suites of beliefs and practices shaped Western minds over the course of several centuries.We have been conducting extensive investigations of the ethnographic literature on the roles and functions of leaders and knowledge specialists across cultures, many of whom are part of religious institutions -the universalizing "launchpads" that, according to Henrich, have taken over the world in some form or another (p. 151). Our results speak to an ongoing discussion about the evolutionary origins of religion. Some of our results support Henrich, for whom religious institutions have been a powerful evolutionary force from the "fog of prehistory" onward (p. 127), playing a causal role in shaping behavior and psychology, and having downstream effects on socioeconomic and ecological practices. Religion, according to this view, culturally evolved to promote collective action and other group-level advantages.Other results of ours, though, support the Boyer (2020) "wild religions" view that in many cultures there are no religious institutions in the sense that Henrich describes. Instead, there are a variety of ideas that Westerners tend to label "religious" that are better understood as cognitively attractive explanations employ...