The Construction of Ambiguity and the Limits of Attraction: Europe and its Neighbourhood Policy

Edwards, Geoffrey

doi:10.1080/07036330801959465

Cited by 27 publications

(17 citation statements)

References 10 publications

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“…Moreover, public opinion in these countries usually tends to distrust national politicians and views the recommendations and benchmarks set by the EU as golden standards for their countries' development (Jarábik & Yanchenko 2013;Korosteleva 2013Korosteleva , 2014Korosteleva , 2015b. Similar to the postcommunist states from CEE the 'return to Europe' narrative is also present in the debates in some of the post-Soviet states (Edwards 2008). Arguments favouring a European path stress the positive influence that the EU can have on economic, social, and political developments, as well as the pride of being formally part of 'civilised'…”

Section: [Insert Table 1 Here]mentioning

confidence: 97%

“…However, in practice, its approach towards the post-Soviet space has been rather inward looking, as most of the EU's policies and initiatives have bent on promoting its own interests (European Commission 2003Ferrero-Waldner 2005). Behind the rhetoric of the need to engage with partner countries and be open to their needs, the EU has largely overlooked the desires and specific conditions of the post-Soviet states when tailoring its approach towards the region (Edwards 2008). Conversely, policies such as the ENP and the EaP have been frequently branded as asymmetric, as they draw mostly on the EU's unilateral understanding of what is best for the neighbourhood countries (Haukkala 2011).…”

Section: The Eu's Ideal Self In the Post-soviet Spacementioning

confidence: 99%

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The European Union’s ‘Ideal Self’ in the Post-Soviet Space

Nitoiu

2018

Europe-Asia Studies

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During the last two decades, one of the cornerstones of the foreign policy of the European Union (EU) has been the development of a strong presence in its neighbourhood. The 2003 Security Strategy and the recent 2016Global Strategy highlighted the need to show that the EU can play a major role in the international arena by first establishing a strong presence in the neighbourhood and proving the union's effectiveness in the region. In this context, the aim of the essay is to explore the way the EU's 'ideal self' is constructed and perceived in the post-Soviet space. DURING THE LAST TWO DECADES, ONE OF THE CORNERSTONES OF THE foreign policy of the European Union (EU) has been represented by the development of a strong presence in its neighbourhood (Raik & Dinesen 2015). The 2003 Security Strategy 1 and the recent 2016 Global Strategy 2 highlighted the need to show that the European Union can play a major role in the international arena by first establishing a strong presence in the 1 The 2003 Security Strategy highlighted the EU's ambition to play a key role in world politics, and the expectation that it would manage to influence its neighbourhood following the 2004/2007 'big bang' enlargement to Central and Eastern Europe. For more details see: https://europa.eu/globalstrategy/en/europeansecurity-strategy-secure-europe-better-world 2 The 2016 Global Strategy stresses the fact that world politics has become less stable than a decade ago and require a different approach from the EU. The emphasis is on the need to develop an approach based on principled pragmatism, where the EU has more limited ambitions in international relations and seeks to pursue its interests in foreign policy. For more details see: https://europa.eu/globalstrategy/en/global-strategy-foreignand-security-policy-european-union 2 neighbourhood and proving the union's effectiveness in the region. This broad aim has been translated in various initiatives towards the neighbourhood such as the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) 3 , the Easter Partnership (EaP) 4 , and the Union for the Mediterranean (UfM) 5 . As part of the European neighbourhood, the post-Soviet space has thus received significant attention from the EU, who aimed to shape both the domestic and foreign policies of the countries in the region. However, the EU's track record of shaping developments in the post-Soviet space has been at best mixed (Ademmer 2014), given the reluctance of some post-Soviet states to go beyond rhetoric in adapting their policies as well as EU member states' unwillingness and lack of commitment to fully support the union's approach to the region (Nilsson & Silander 2016). EU ouvertures have also been received with scepticism by some post-Soviet states, which tend to see EU policy towards the region as deeply unilateral, asymmetrical, and without regard for the specificities or needs of each country (Delcour 2010). Most of the findings from the open literature refer to the EU's ability to promote its integration project in the post-Soviet states, that is, the ...

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confidence: 97%

Section: The Eu's Ideal Self In the Post-soviet Spacementioning

confidence: 99%

The European Union’s ‘Ideal Self’ in the Post-Soviet Space

Nitoiu

2018

Europe-Asia Studies

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“…Za razliku od politike stabilizacije i pridruživanja koja uključuje perspektivu članstva, Evropska politika susedstva predstavlja sve osim članstva, a cilj Evropske unije je bio da, kada je reč o zemljama u istočnom susedstvu koje bi mogle pretendovati na članstvo, zaustavi talas proširenja, istovremeno "ubeđujući svoje nove ʼpartnereʼ da prihvate liberalizaciju, demokratizaciju i prilagođavanje pravnim tekovinama EU". 20 Upravo je ova primena uslovljavanja iz procesa pristupanja bez jasne perspektive članstva diskutabilna. Postavlja se pitanje: ako Evropska politika susedstva ne sadrži perspektivu članstva, zašto bi zemlje susedi pristajali na uslovljavanje.…”

Section: Evropska Unija I Koncept Transformativne Moćiunclassified

Limits of the EU’s transformative power and the Western Balkans

Kovačević¹

2019

Medjunar probl

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Apstrakt: Rad analizira Zapadni Balkan u kontekstu evrointegracija kao inspiritivan slučaj za izučavanje transformativne moći Evropske unije. Autorka polazi od teze da je Evropska unija jedinstven akter u regionu Zapadnog Balkana, jer bezmalo tri decenije primenjuje vrlo širok spektar spoljnopolitičkih instrumenata i sprovodi politiku proširenja kao njeno najuspešnije sredstvo. Izučavanje transformativne moći Evropske unije u odnosu na treće zemlje i njen uticaj na političke i ekonomske reforme u tim zemljama je naročito bilo podstaknuto neospornim uspehom koji je politika proširenja imala vršeći uticaj na proces tranzicije zemalja Centralne i Istočne Evrope. Međutim, ovaj uspeh nije ponovljen u slučaju zemalja Zapadnog Balkana, posebno kada je reč o procesu demokratizacije. Osnovna teza ovog rada je da je transformativna moć Evropske unije suočena sa ozbiljnim ograničenjima, kako u odnosu na zemlje Evropske politike susedstva, tako i na zemlje članice, i najzad i na zemlje Zapadnog Balkana. Iako su brojni faktori doprineli usporenoj evropeizaciji regiona, ovaj rad ističe uticaj tzv. bezbednost-demokratizacija dileme zbog koje Evropska unija daje prioritet bezbednosti, a ne procesu demokratizacije na Zapadnom Balkanu. Na delu je paradoks da zemlje regiona, iako obuhvaćene politikom proširenja Evropske unije i već gotovo 20 godina podvrgnute procesu evropeizacije, od 2010. godine beleže pad u Indeksu demokratije organizacije Freedom House.

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“…The first area is related with cross-border programs and donor-driven where there are examples of good practices and "bottom-up" cooperation (i.e in Ukraine, Moldova, Lebanon, and to some extent in Jordan). The second area is related with economic development where the role of SNAs in local economy is linked with the degree of de-6 With regard to the ENP and the challenges of the policy field, see: Bicchi, 2014;Börzel & van Hüllen, 2014;Börzel et al, 2015;Edwards, 2008;Freyburg et al, 2009;Gänzle, 2009;Lavenex, 2008;Lavenex & Schimmelfennig, 2011;Noutcheva, 2015;Sasse, 2008;Tömmel, 2013;Zaiotti, 2007. 7 Regulation (EU) No 232/2014 ibid.…”

Section: Theoretical Considerationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Sub-State Mobilization in ‘High Politics’: The Role of Regional and Local Governance in the Implementation of the European Neighbourhood Policy

Oikonomou

2018

EurInsStud

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Subnational mobilization literature has flourished since the mid. 1990s. Regional and local authorities have tried, not always successfully, to utilize alternative channels of representation in the European Union (EU) in different policy areas and with different scope and depth. The policy areas and the degree of subnational mobilization is greatly varied contingent on exogenous-at the EU level-and endogenous-within local and regional organisational capacity-factors. Most commonly, subnational authorities (SNAs) find themselves involved in cohesion policy issues, environmental affairs, and social policy measures, mostly involved in the implementation phase. However, as the EU continuously emphasizes the importance of regional and local authorities in facilitating the European integration process, it has fuelled SNAs' institutional ambitions and expanded their aspirations for participation in new policy areas, even in fields traditionally considered to be exercised-and monopolized-by national authorities, such as foreign policy issues. This article focuses on the role of subnational institutions in the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP), a relatively new policy area compared to other established EU policies. In short, the ENP was introduced in 2004 and revised in 2011 and 2015. Its rationale is to bring closer EU countries and their neighbours, so as to work together on issues regarding prosperity, stability and security for all. The ENP constitutes a policy field for subnational authorities that aim to mobilize in the supranational arena. The European Neighbourhood Instrument (ENI-former European Neighbourhood Policy Instrument/ENPI) is the ENP financial tool which provides opportunities for "financial mobilization" to institutional actors by granting funds for implementing programmes. In addition, the European Committee of the Regions (CoR), the official assembly of representatives of local and regional authorities in the EU, stands for another channel for subnational mobilization. Through specific policy initiatives that have been established and promoted by the CoR, namely the Conference of Regional and Local Authorities for the Eastern Partnership (CORLEAP) and the Assembly of Local and Regional elected European Integration Studies 2018/12 20 Representatives from the EU and its Mediterranean partners (ARLEM), local and regional institutions have the opportunity to actively participate in the ENP. Moreover, the European Grouping of Territorial Cooperation (EGTC) serves as a distinct policy tool for enhancing territorial development and cooperation, allowing for the engagement of subnational actors from different EU countries-and third countries as well. Drawing on the literature of multi-level governance, it is argued that sub-state entities have managed to expand their institutional role in new policy areas that have been traditionally monopolized by central state authorities. Certain types of subnational mobilization originally found on initiatives proposed and developed by the CoR, the financial instrument...

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The Construction of Ambiguity and the Limits of Attraction: Europe and its Neighbourhood Policy

Cited by 27 publications

References 10 publications

The European Union’s ‘Ideal Self’ in the Post-Soviet Space

The European Union’s ‘Ideal Self’ in the Post-Soviet Space

Limits of the EU’s transformative power and the Western Balkans

Sub-State Mobilization in ‘High Politics’: The Role of Regional and Local Governance in the Implementation of the European Neighbourhood Policy

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