The Consensus around Security

Tsoukala, Anastassia

doi:10.1057/9780230594661_13

Cited by 13 publications

(31 citation statements)

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“…For my part, I have consciously opted not to highlight my gendered role in the research process (until now) because I wanted to be accepted first and foremost as a sociologist; I did not feel the need – nor did I want – to make an issue of the fact I was female, given it is such a male dominated field. This may be the same for my female colleagues (O'neill 2005; Tsoukala 2009 and [Pearson and] Sale 2011; Ayres [and Treadwell] 2012). I certainly do not condemn them for their gendered silence.…”

Section: Reflexivity In Gendered Social Researchmentioning

confidence: 71%

“…1.1 One of the consequences of the hyper-masculine nature of ‘football hooliganism’ [1] (see King 1997; Spaaij 2008; Pearson 2012) is that its field of study has become dominated by male researchers (for example, Dunning, Murphy and Williams 1987; Hobbs and Robins 1991; Giulianotti 1995a, 1995b; Armstrong 1998; Hughson 1998; Giulianotti and Armstrong 2002; Stott and Pearson 2007). Indeed, in the few studies conducted by women (see [Armstrong and] Harris 1991; O'neill 2005; Tsoukala 2009; [Pearson and] Sale 2011; Ayres [and Treadwell] 2012) none of ‘us’ have mentioned our sex or gender, let alone addressed the methodological issues and concerns that arise as a female researcher working within the hyper-masculine subculture of football hooliganism. In this way, ‘we’ are perhaps as ‘guilty’ as our male counterparts of ‘gender blindness’: a charge made by Free and Hughson (2003) and again by Hughson, Inglis and Free (2005) in relation to most ethnographic studies of football hooliganism.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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‘If you Had Balls, You'd be One of Us!’ Doing Gendered Research: Methodological Reflections on Being a Female Academic Researcher in the Hyper-Masculine Subculture of ‘Football Hooliganism’

Poulton

2012

Sociological Research Online

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This article reflects upon being a female academic researcher in the hyper-masculine subculture of ‘football hooliganism’. With this subculture being a male-dominated field of study, the article argues that gender blindness has prevailed in most studies conducted by male researchers, with a failure to consider the positioning, practices and performances of the gendered self in the gendered field. Nor has this been a consideration of the rare female researcher working on the phenomenon. This article breaks this gendered silence by drawing on my own fieldwork experiences with (‘retired’) football hooligans to identify the methodological challenges specifically (re)negotiated as a female academic throughout the gendered research process and offers some strategies and field tips to future researchers faced with gendered incongruence with their informers. The key concerns for me were: first, gaining access to a hyper-masculine subculture; second, entering and developing rapport within the subculture; and third, ‘doing gendered research’ in the hyper-masculine field. Central to negotiating these challenges was a very conscious and performative presentation of self, often for self-preservation, during the research process. In practice, this sometimes required demonstrating that I had the (metaphorical) ‘balls’ in terms of my (gendered) image management. The article argues for consideration of the performativity of social research with a need for wider disclosure of the complexities and ‘messiness’ of qualitative research practices and the emotional labour required.

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Section: Reflexivity In Gendered Social Researchmentioning

confidence: 71%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

‘If you Had Balls, You'd be One of Us!’ Doing Gendered Research: Methodological Reflections on Being a Female Academic Researcher in the Hyper-Masculine Subculture of ‘Football Hooliganism’

Poulton

2012

Sociological Research Online

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“…Apart from studies using other theoretical models (Frosdick and Marsh, 2006; Marsh et al, 1978; Taylor, 1971), research in this field includes the application of ethnographic methods (Armstrong, 1998; Pearson, 2012). Football hooliganism has also been the subject of comparative studies discussing the phenomenon in relation to different countries (Dunning, 2000; Spaaij, 2006; Tsoukala, 2009). In addition, it found its expression in pop culture, including hooligan autobiographies (Pennant, 2003) and feature films ( Green Street, Football Factory ).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Where are the hooligans? Dimensions of football fandom in Poland

Kossakowski

2015

International Review for the Sociology of Sport

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The present paper aims to outline and explain the social world of the most committed football supporters in Poland. The analysis proceeds from the assumption that such a community is based on a particular culture established by its own discourses, constituting the habitus of individuals who generate strong social bonds and a normative structure, and is a source of social capital. Since this sub-culture can be understood as a multidimensional sphere, the article argues that fans can no longer be adequately described in terms of the 'hooligan' discourse. Although hooligan behaviour has not vanished entirely, it has been pushed out of the stadiums and increasingly functions in a niche outside the immediate context of football. The present article is intended as a contribution to the discussion on European football hooliganism/fandom and its transformation.

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“…Violence between rival fans, which could have been expected in previous decades and which in most European countries continues to be the most relevant problem (Dunning et al, 1986; Spaiij, 2006; Tsoukala, 2009), now appears on the secondary stage in Argentina, accounting for 19% of violent incidents, but 32% of all fan deaths. Confrontations between supporters and police account for 14% of violent incidents found in the press, as reported in Table 1.…”

Section: The Picture Of Violencementioning

confidence: 99%

Violence and death in Argentinean soccer in the new Millennium: Who is involved and what is at stake?

Trejo¹,

Murzi

Nassar

2018

International Review for the Sociology of Sport

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This article analyzes episodes of violence and disorder, including deaths, related to soccer in Argentina, as identified in the online written press between 2006 and 2017. The aim is to present a sample of cases in order to reflect the domestic atmosphere of violence around the Argentinean game. Just as Eduardo Archetti and Amílcar Romero presented figures on violence between the 1950s and the 1980s, so our analysis explores a new type of violence, including killings by peers of the same supporter squad. Although the mass media, and public responses, tend to blame groups known as barras-bravas, we try to unpack different scenarios and assess the variety of interests and actors involved, which include “arrangements” with police and other authorities, as well as the aggression amongst the protagonists of the game itself. Consequently, we hope to update recent debates by revealing new trends and suggesting hypotheses for new research and public policies.

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The Consensus around Security

Cited by 13 publications

References 0 publications

‘If you Had Balls, You'd be One of Us!’ Doing Gendered Research: Methodological Reflections on Being a Female Academic Researcher in the Hyper-Masculine Subculture of ‘Football Hooliganism’

‘If you Had Balls, You'd be One of Us!’ Doing Gendered Research: Methodological Reflections on Being a Female Academic Researcher in the Hyper-Masculine Subculture of ‘Football Hooliganism’

Where are the hooligans? Dimensions of football fandom in Poland

Violence and death in Argentinean soccer in the new Millennium: Who is involved and what is at stake?

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