The Congress of Vienna

Vick, Brian

doi:10.4159/harvard.9780674736252

Cited by 83 publications

(6 citation statements)

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“…Castlereagh was glad that Ferdinand did not 'aim at the restoration of the ancient order of thing,' even though that was precisely what he did aim at. 53 The Prussian diplomat Karl August Varnhagen von Ense was more prescient. Ferdinand, he wrote, was 'fully engaged in enslaving and punishing his noble people who had, in their heroic struggle, undeniably, attained freedom.'…”

Section: International Relationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…60 Criticism of Labrador's performance is sharpened as the other powers are now viewed as more flexible and compromising than they had been previously. 61 For Castlereagh to change his mind, for example, it apparently took only 'being asked to breakfast.' 62 Talleyrand recognised this flexibility and used it to manoeuvre France onto the committee of Four.…”

Section: International Relationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The Genoese representative, the Marchese de Brignole, proposed a liberal constitution for the territory within the Piedmontese state, which Labrador described as close to the 'perfection of the social order within the present system of Europe.' 82 He had also formulated a plan to win support for Spain's claim to Louisiana. 83 He proposed withdrawing support for Etrurian claims to the Italian duchies in favour of Austria.…”

Section: Spanish Aimsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…He also supported the establishment of a permanent international committee which Castlereagh intended would continue to pressure France, Spain and Portugal. 108 Pressure which drew complaints about British interference in Spanish affairs. Fern an N uñez, by then ambassador in London, complained about the seizure of two Barcelona-based, legally-operating slave ships by the Royal Navy.…”

Section: Slaverymentioning

confidence: 99%

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Winning the War and Losing the Peace: Spain and the Congress of Vienna

Royle

2021

The International History Review

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When Ferdinand VII was restored to the throne in 1814, Spain attempted to return to the pre-war status quo. Domestically this suited an exhausted people, but internationally it proved disastrous. Elsewhere, 'Restoration' was understood more flexibly: that war with Napoleon had transformed the continent, and that things could simply not have gone back to the way they were. Previous interpretations for Spanish failure at Vienna emphasise weakness, either individual or collective, and these remain true. But weakness was not necessarily a barrier to diplomatic success. Instead, this article argues that Spain's failure lies in its conceptualisation of itself as a pre-war state. This meant that, rather than cooperate and compromise, it clung jealously to narrow dynastic or retributive aims. The dissolution of the C adiz Cortes excluded the political elite from government and further hampered efforts as the representatives from the other powers increasingly formed a European network with friends and contacts among this excluded Spanish elite. Its inability to collaborate saw Spain side-lined in the Seventh Coalition, and its subsequent short-lived incursion into France was widely condemned. It was a failure which not only affected Spain at Vienna, but one which also had longer-term implications for its place in Europe.

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Section: International Relationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: International Relationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Spanish Aimsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Slaverymentioning

confidence: 99%

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Winning the War and Losing the Peace: Spain and the Congress of Vienna

Royle

2021

The International History Review

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“…Brian Vick's recent study has highlighted that the Congress of Vienna was not solely about high politics and international relations. 51 Its proceedings were influenced by the desire of the statesmen present to satisfy opinion back in their home countries. A much wider European public than was hitherto realized were fascinated, for divergent reasons, by the negotiations and events that were taking place at the heart of the Habsburg Empire.…”

Section: IImentioning

confidence: 99%

Re-inventing the Ancien Régime in Post-Napoleonic Europe

Caiani

2017

European History Quarterly

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Abstract'Revolution' as a historical category has received continuous academic interest and scrutiny, whereas the regime invented by the French Revolution has received less sophisticated theoretical analysis and unpacking. The term ancien régime was created in the moment of its death. The subsequent restructuring and politicization of this concept during the post-Napoleonic era remains largely unstudied. It is the argument here that the world after 1815 created a number of 'new old regimes'. These political systems, which made reference to ancien régime inheritances, were not straightforward reflections of a 'real past'. They were malleable discourses that could be calibrated to corroborate the competing claims made by conservatives, radicals and liberals about how post-Napoleonic Europe was to be organized. The 'new old regime' of the nineteenth century, though historically grounded, was instrumental in design and made little effort to resurrect the 'real past' to which it purportedly made constant reference. The battle to define the 'new old regime' was not a rear-guard action but lay at the very heart of European politics after 1815. The forces of nationhood, constitutionalism, parliamentarianism, liberalism and democracy unfurled by the twin titans of revolution and Napoleonic conquest were not guaranteed to win the day. Dynasticism, aristocratic hierarchy, military glory, religious revival, village communalism and regionalism continued to prosper during the first half of the nineteenth century.

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Goethe's World Literature Paradigm: From Uneasy Cosmopolitanism to Literary Modernism

Pizer

2019

A Companion to World Literature

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This chapter discusses Goethe's “world literature” ( Weltliteratur ) paradigm in its historical origins in a period of uneasy cosmopolitanism in the wake of the Congress of Vienna. The world literature paradigm arose in this milieu, and can be seen as an attempt to transcend the budding, albeit often cultural and localized, nationalism after the Napoleonic Wars. Goethe's discomfort with any form of nationalism is evident in his play Des Epimenides Erwachen (Epimenides's awakening) though it was commissioned to celebrate the Alliance's victory over Napoleon. After an initially positive reception, Young Germany authors and their liberal allies, who advocated German unification, turned against Goethe's world literature paradigm, and the cosmopolitan aspect of the concept was rejected for the next century. Nevertheless, Goethe and his paradigm influenced the development of literary trends in his lifetime and beyond. This is certainly the case with modernism, and the chapter concludes with a focus on Goethe's impact on this movement.

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The Congress of Vienna

Cited by 83 publications

References 0 publications

Winning the War and Losing the Peace: Spain and the Congress of Vienna

Winning the War and Losing the Peace: Spain and the Congress of Vienna

Re-inventing the Ancien Régime in Post-Napoleonic Europe

Goethe's World Literature Paradigm: From Uneasy Cosmopolitanism to Literary Modernism

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