The Colombian Integrated System of Truth, Justice, Reparation and Non-Repetition

Olasolo, Hector; Mendoza, Joel M F Ramirez

doi:10.1093/jicj/mqy041

Cited by 3 publications

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“…In Colombia, conflict parties also embraced the international consensus, even setting up an Integrated System of Truth, Justice, Reparation and Non-Repetition. This framework is arguably 'translating' the standard to the Colombian context, while seeking to keep an ICC process at bay (Olásolo and Ramirez-Mendoza, 2018).…”

Section: Illustrationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The standardisation of transitional justice

Gissel

2022

European Journal of International Relations

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This article argues that transitional justice (TJ) has recently been standardised: There is now a two-tiered global standard of TJ which structures policy responses and academic thinking. TJ comprises criminal justice, truth-telling, reparation and institutional reform – four core elements in a ‘comprehensive’ approach. The standard involves specifications for design, procedure and performance and draws on a selection of seemingly unambiguous international legal norms. Paradoxically, it claims to eschew a one-size-fits-all formula, while promoting uniformity in diverse contexts. It is moreover unclear whether its implementation generates beneficial effects in society. Building on existing research on international standardisation as an international political and sociological phenomenon, the article analyses the recently developed TJ standard and presents the first account of the process of TJ standardisation. It demonstrates how processes of ‘generification’ and ‘localisation’ make practices transferable and establish the means to facilitate their replication in and across different contexts and settings. These processes are illustrated drawing on existing scholarship from around the world that highlights the acceptance and contestation of and resistance to the standard. After analysing these processes, the article discusses the implications of TJ standardisation for societies, scholarship and global governance.

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Section: Illustrationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The standardisation of transitional justice

Gissel

2022

European Journal of International Relations

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“…88 'The Integrated System created a regime of alternative penalties to imprisonment, including mandatory community work and restrictions prohibiting movement outside a specified geographical area for a period of time between five to eight years.' 89 Although this system was seen as technically sound and legitimate by certain international actors and experts, the government decided to put the agreement to a vote in a plebiscite to guarantee popular acceptance. 90 The agreement was, however, rejected by a slim majority of voters, at least 'partly due to the influence of Uribe, who mobilized his Democratic Center party against the agreement, ultimately quashing a referendum to ratify it'.…”

Section: The Long Wars the Long Peaces: Media Truth And Violence In C...mentioning

confidence: 99%

Shredded

Ramírez-Gutiérrez

Quiroga-Villamarín²

2022

Journal of International Criminal Justice

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From 2012 to 2016, the Colombian Government and the FARC-EP guerilla group sought to end the region’s longest non-international armed conflict. Under the auspices of the international community, this process drew from a complex series of practices and knowledge often known as ‘transitional justice’. Indeed, international expertise — in law and other fields — was also actively mobilized by both parties, as well as civil society and the anti-peace opposition, to contest the meaning of these terms. On paper, the peace agreement adopted a cutting-edge and comprehensive system aimed at delivering truth, justice, reparation, and non-repetition (the SIVJRNR), including both judicial and extrajudicial mechanisms following international standards and best practices. Yet in practice, the situation became increasingly dire after the peace agreement was narrowly voted down in October 2016. Two years later, having entered government, the former populist opposition proudly announced its plan to shred the peace accord and the SIVJRNR (including its crown jewel: the Special Jurisdiction for Peace or JEP). In this context, this article seeks to identify and understand the strategies which might be adopted by transitional justice institutions to prevail against waves of populist misinformation and backlash. The Colombian experiment can offer important insights on how humanitarian actors can generate public narratives of reconciliation in our current dire times of mistrust.

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“…Entre 1985 y 2021 más de nueve millones de víctimas de violencia política, la mayoría de las cuales son población civil, fueron registradas por el Gobierno colombiano en el marco de su política de atención y reparación integral a las víctimas (Grupo de Memoria Histórica, 2013; Unidad para las Víctimas, s.f.). Esta política hace parte de los mecanismos de justicia transicional en Colombia que fueron pactados en los acuerdos de paz con los principales grupos paramilitares en 2005, y con la guerrilla de las FARC-EP en 2016 (Olasolo & Ramírez, 2017;Sánchez et al, 2016). Entre los mecanismos de reparación integral que el Gobierno colombiano adoptó se encuentra la rehabilitación en salud, la indemnización y restitución, y el acompañamiento jurídico.…”

Section: El Efecto (No)reconciliatorio De La Reparación a Las Víctima...unclassified

“…Between 1985 and 2021, more than nine million victims of political violence, most of them civilians, were recorded by the Colombian government as part of its policy to attend to and provide complete victim reparation (Grupo de Memoria Histórica, 2013; Unidad para las Víctimas, n.d.). This policy is part of the transitional justice mechanisms in Colombia which were agreed upon in the peace agreements with the main paramilitary groups in 2005 and with the FARC-EP guerrillas in 2016 (Olasolo & Ramírez, 2017;Sánchez et al, 2016). The comprehensive reparations mechanisms that the Colombian government adopted include health rehabilitation, indemnification and restitution, and legal assistance.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

The (non-)reconciliatory effect of reparations for victims of political violence: a cross-sectional study of the Colombian transitional context (El efecto (no)reconciliatorio de la reparación alas víctimas de violencia política: un estudio transversal en el contexto transicional colombiano)

Rincón-Unigarro

López‐López

Gutiérrez-Romero

et al. 2022

International Journal of Social Psychology: Revista de Psicolog

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According to the needs-based reconciliation model, transitional mechanisms can lead to reconciliation when they meet the victims' need for agency/status. This study evaluated the reconciliatory impact of the transitional policy of reparations for victims of the armed conflict implemented in Colombia. A sample of 135 victims of political violence participated in a transversal study which evaluated the effect of the reparations on the reconciliation sentiment, using the scales of mere coexistence and rebuilding trust. Counter to the intention of the policy, the victims given reparations showed lower levels of reconciliation than those who had not received reparations, regardless of their exposure to violence, understanding of justice and social attitudes. The results suggest that the limitations in the process of implementing the reparations may be thwarting the victims' need for agency/status and thus hindering the reconciliation process. RESUMEN

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The Colombian Integrated System of Truth, Justice, Reparation and Non-Repetition

Cited by 3 publications

References 0 publications

The standardisation of transitional justice

The standardisation of transitional justice

Shredded

The (non-)reconciliatory effect of reparations for victims of political violence: a cross-sectional study of the Colombian transitional context (El efecto (no)reconciliatorio de la reparación alas víctimas de violencia política: un estudio transversal en el contexto transicional colombiano)

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