The co‐operative movement in the gaeltacht

Johnson, Maureen

doi:10.1080/00750777909555744

Cited by 5 publications

(2 citation statements)

References 2 publications

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“…35 Likewise, local cooperatives become 'merely structures through which government aid may be channelled into the Gaeltacht regions'. 36 It might be more accurate, however, to say that Gaeltacht activism, while failing to achieve its overt goals, has transformed the relationship of local people with translocal forces and processes in a manner which prefigures what Hardt and Negri term 'postmodernisation'. 37 By opening up closed networks of both community and governance, Gaeltacht activism has, in effect, pointed the way for the reduced role of the postmodern Irish state in its Celtic Tiger phase.…”

Section: The Irish Language and Political Economymentioning

confidence: 99%

The centralised government of liquidity

Coleman¹

2018

The End of Irish History?

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The privatisation of Telecom Éireann in June 1999 came at the highwater mark of Ireland's 'Celtic Tiger' phase. About 600,000 Irish citizens bought shares in the state-owned company, which promptly changed its name to Eircom. For most buyers, it was their first experience of stock ownership. 1 In the television advertisement campaign for the share offer, we saw singers in locations all over Ireland sing verses from the traditional Irishlanguage song Dúlamán. This was followed by shots of people dancing in costumes in the style of Macnas-the Galway-based group which specialises in spectacular street theatre, originally inspired by the Catalan radical theatre company Els Comediants. Then, some fine print appeared about the terms of the share offer and, at the very end, we saw a shot of people approaching a bonfire somewhere in the mountains, carrying burning torches. Other bonfires were visible in the distance. This last image carried an oddly inverted echo of the traditional customs of St John's Eve, Oíche Shin Sheáin (23 July), in which bonfires would be lit on heights. Children would ignite wads of paraffin-soaked rags in the fire and throw them like flaming missiles into the air. Fóid choise or 'travelling sods' of turf were taken from the fires and hurled at animals and into fields, and placed in family hearths-using 'other world' power to ensure the fertility of individual hearths in the coming harvest. 2 The advertisement, though, ran this ritual backwards-people brought fire to the central fire. It was as if this Telecom flotation ritual siphoned off goodness from individual hearths, creating an all too worldly power-a multinational corporation. Here, the state was selling back to its people something that already belonged to them-a semi-state company-but it was also selling back to them a particular sense of their own 'traditions'. Throughout Irish history, relatively localised cultural forms have been appropriated as emblems of wider collectivities. In the process of Irish nation building, forms

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Section: The Irish Language and Political Economymentioning

confidence: 99%

The centralised government of liquidity

Coleman¹

2018

The End of Irish History?

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“…Initially, Muintir na Tire (People of the Land), a national community development movement originating in the 1930s, pursued a model of organisation based on the parish council and corporatist notions of representation (Newman 1963, p. 2O), but now it favours the mainly elective, non-statutory community council. Particularly in the Gaeltacht (Irish-speaking) areas, numerous multi-purpose community co-operatives sprang up in the 1970s to mobilise local efforts for the provision of water supplies, land reclamation and a range of other goods and services (Johnson, 1979). In small towns throughout the country, non-elective development associations, such as that in Laketown, were organised after the last war, usually with merchant-dominated memberships.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Bringing Industry to a Small Town in the West of Ireland*

Curtin

Varley

1986

Sociologia Ruralis

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Local attempts to have industry locate in a west of Ireland town since the 1940s are examined in the light of two perspectives on the role of small‐scale self‐help groups in promoting industrial development. What we call the community development position holds that voluntary groups of the type represented here can facilitate the establishment of local industries in various ways. The second perspective, derived from the literature on political clientelism, suggests that politicians can project themselves as being in a better position and more effective than others in influencing locational decisions of incoming industry. Self‐help groups must therefore use politicians as intermediaries if they are to recruit capital externally. Examined over a period when state policy changed complexion, both perspectives are seen to illuminate certain dimensions of the activities of the Laketown Development Association. Résumé Cet article étudie les efforts locaux de développement industriel dans une petite ville de ľOuest de ľlrlande. Concernant des petits groupes volontaires dans la promotion indus‐trielle, deux hypothèses sont discutées. La premiè1re, qui peut être appelée celle du développement communautaire, soutient que les groupes volontaires tels ceux étudiés ici peuvent effectivement favoriser de diverses manières un développement industriel local. La seconde hypothèse, appuyée par les études concernant le clientélisme politique, mettent en évidence le rôle des politiciens qui apparaissent mieux placés et plus efficaces pour influencer la localisation des investissements. II s'ensuivrait que les groupes volontaires auraient à utiliser les hommes politiques comme intermédiaires quand ils veulent attirer des capitaux exogènes. L'étude pone sur une période pendant laquelle la politique étatique a changé, et les deux hypothèses permettent de comprendre plusieurs aspects de ľactivité de la ‘Laketown Development Association’. Kurzfassung Versuche auf örtlicher Ebene zur Industrieansiedlung in einer Sudt Westirlands seit 1940 werden im Lichte zweier Betrachtungsweisen kleiner Selbsthilfegruppen zur Förderung der industriellen Entwicklung in Irland untersucht. Die Position, die wir die der Gemeindeent‐wicklung nennen, behauptet, daß freiwillige Gruppen der Art, wie wir sie in unserer Fallstudie finden, die Schaffung örtlicher Gewerbebetriebe in verschiedenartiger Weise fordern. Die zweite, aus der Literatur uber politischen Klientelismus abgeleitete Betrach‐tungsweise spielt darauf an, daß Politiker sowohl in einer besseren Position als auch wirkungsvoller erscheinen als andere, wenn sie die Standortentscheidungen der hereinkom‐menden Industrie beeinflussen. Selbsthilfegruppen müssen deshalb Politiker als Vermittler nutzen, um Kapital von außerhalb anzuziehen. Nach Prüfung iiber einen Zeitraum der Veränderung staatlicher Politik, kann von beiden Betrachtungsweisen angenommen werden, daß sie bestimmte Dimensionen der Aktivitäten der Laketown Development Association beleuchten.

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Promoting local initiative through a community development competition

Cinnéide

Conghaile

1990

Journal of Rural Studies

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The co‐operative movement in the gaeltacht

Cited by 5 publications

References 2 publications

The centralised government of liquidity

The centralised government of liquidity

Bringing Industry to a Small Town in the West of Ireland*

Promoting local initiative through a community development competition

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