The Class Politics of the National Policy, 1872-1933

Craven, Paul; Traves, Tom

doi:10.3138/jcs.14.3.14

Cited by 14 publications

(5 citation statements)

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“…6 Naylor also did not mention Buchanan's more radical proposals for an inconvertible currency (proposals that I do not have room to discuss and that did not inform the National Policy) (Helleiner, 2006: 32-36). 7 Craven and Traves (1979) note how cross-class alliances initially supporting the National Policy increasingly unravelled in subsequent decades, as many farmers and workers came to associate it with monopoly power. 8 In addition to Buchanan's mention of List, see Dominion of Canada (1878: 1055, Goodwin (1961: 47-48, 51, 57n46), Neill (1991, and Hurlbert (1870: 9-10).…”

Section: Notesmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Conservative Economic Nationalism and the National Policy: Rae, Buchanan and Early Canadian Protectionist Thought

Helleiner

2019

Can J Pol Sci

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Two distinct strands of conservative Canadian economic nationalism—associated with the ideas of John Rae and Isaac Buchanan—helped to inform the country's protectionist National Policy of 1879. These strands of nationalism were much less influenced by Listian ideas than was economic nationalist thought in many other countries at this time. This study of their content, intellectual sources and influence contributes empirically and analytically to debates in Canadian political economy and international political economy, while also advancing historical scholarship. The arguments also have some potential contemporary relevance in an age when protectionist economic nationalism is rising in the US and elsewhere.

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Section: Notesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…7Craven and Traves (1979) note how cross-class alliances initially supporting the National Policy increasingly unravelled in subsequent decades, as many farmers and workers came to associate it with monopoly power.…”

Section: Notesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Conservative Economic Nationalism and the National Policy: Rae, Buchanan and Early Canadian Protectionist Thought

Helleiner

2019

Can J Pol Sci

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“…The creation of a 'free enterprise' bulwark among those who might otherwise have made common cause with labour became a central political stragegy in the management of social conflict. See Craven and Traves (1979). 1988).…”

Section: Notesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Crisis in rural life and crisis in thinking: directions for critical research*

Hansen

Muszynski

1990

Canadian Review of Sociology

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This is a substantially revised version of a paper originally presented to the annual meeting, Canadian Sociology and Anthropology Association, University of Windsor, Windsor, Ontario, June 7,1988. We would like to thank the readers for the Reoiew for their comments on the original draft. We would also like to thank Dr. James McCrorie for his support and critique of the various drafts of this paper; and our colleague Doug Scott for drawing our attention to the literature on community. Research for this paper was made possible in part by funding from SSHRCC grant number 410-86-6043.

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“…In the era of capitalist consolidation and initial monopolization, the National Policy combined an import-substitution accumulation strategy with a project of nation-building that involved a succession of compromises and alliances between capitalists, workers, and the petite bourgeoisie. The National Policy tariff, for instance, met the immediate interests that Canada's fledgling working class had in employment while protecting the emerging home market for Canadian capitalists (Craven and Traves, 1979). A second mobilization occurred in the wake of worldwide depression and war, when the Fordist regime of the mid1940s through mid-1970s combined an effective accumulation strategy of mass production/mass consumption with a hegemonic project in which the Keynesian Welfare State (KWS) enlarged the sphere of citizenship rights and dispensed elements of a social wage to various groupings defined in terms of class, region, age, etc.…”

Section: Hegemony and The Canadian Statementioning

confidence: 99%

Social Democracy, Neo-Conservatism and Hegemonic Crisis in British Columbia

Carroll

Ratner

1989

Critical Sociology

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This paper adopts a Gramscian perspective in presenting a case study of hegemonic crisis and political-economic restructuring. In British Columbia, the period from 1983 through 1987 marked a decisive shift from a variant of Fordism to a neo-conservative project with strong resonances of Thatcherism. Focusing on the historical specificity of the province in the Canadian political economy and the political crises of 1983 and 1987, we explore the structural and strategic reasons for this transformation, and examine the obstacles confronting the left in its hesitant attempts to mount a successful opposition around a counter-hegemonic project. Hegemony and the Canadian StateThe 1980s have witnessed a protracted economic downturn and sharpening of class politics in British Columbia, a Canadian province long known for its militant labor movement and mass-based social-democratic party.i This paper explores the underpinnings and implications of two important episodes of collective action in this period, which took place as moments of defensive mobilization against an ascendent neo-conservatism at the provincial level of the Canadian state.In theorizing these struggles we draw on the problematic of Antonio Gramsci, within which hegemony is viewed as a strategy of &dquo;moral and intellectual&dquo; leadership hinging on (1) the capacity of a class or fraction thereof to go beyond its present material or &dquo;economic-corporative&dquo; interests to articulate &dquo;universal&dquo; interests for the whole of society, and (2) at LAURENTIAN UNIV LIBRARY on June 4, 2016 crs.sagepub.com Downloaded from 30 a class's success in securing the consent of other class fractions and social groupings, i.e., in unifying around itself a &dquo;group of allies&dquo; (Sassoon, 1982:111; Adamson, 1980:171; Bocock, 1986:45). As Jessop points out, &dquo;the key to the exercise of such leadership is the development of a specific 'hegemonic project' which can resolve the abstract problem of conflicts between particular interests and the general interest&dquo; (1983:100), thus opening up a &dquo;national perspective&dquo; to the whole of society (BuciGlucksman, 1982:120). Such projects are themselves underwritten by specific accumulation strategies which give a characteristic form to the circuit of capital and tend to create a material basis for consent among certain class fractions.In the development of Canadian capitalism we can distinguish two periods in which a national-popular will was mobilized on the basis of a successful hegemonic project. In the era of capitalist consolidation and initial monopolization, the National Policy combined an import-substitution accumulation strategy with a project of nation-building that involved a succession of compromises and alliances between capitalists, workers, and the petite bourgeoisie. The National Policy tariff, for instance, met the immediate interests that Canada's fledgling working class had in employment while protecting the emerging home market for Canadian capitalists (Craven and Traves, 1979). ...

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The Class Politics of the National Policy, 1872-1933

Cited by 14 publications

References 14 publications

Conservative Economic Nationalism and the National Policy: Rae, Buchanan and Early Canadian Protectionist Thought

Conservative Economic Nationalism and the National Policy: Rae, Buchanan and Early Canadian Protectionist Thought

Crisis in rural life and crisis in thinking: directions for critical research*

Social Democracy, Neo-Conservatism and Hegemonic Crisis in British Columbia

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