The City and International Mining, 1870–1914

Harvey, Charles; Press, Jon

doi:10.1080/00076799000000094

Cited by 55 publications

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“…Though there are conceptual similarities between the categories of FSC and INV, they are (it seems) temporally disconnected phenomena, and largely engaged in very different sectors and business activities. So while INVs are associated with service firms (Rialp, Rialp, & Knight, 2005), research into FSCs indicates they could be found in every sector of the economy-primary, secondary, and tertiaryand were engaged in activities as diverse as mining (Harvey & Press, 1990;Harvey & Taylor, 1987;Mollan, 2009), plantations, forestry and livestock farming (Mollan, 2008;Tennent, 2013), public utilities (Platt, 1977), banking (C. Jones, 1977;Geoffrey Jones, 1998), transport (Boughey, 2009), trade (Geoffrey Jones, 2000) as well as in wholesale and retail (Mollan, 2010). There were many thousands of FSCs (Houston & Dunning, 1976;Wilkins & Schröter, 1998) and yet though they are thought to have largely disappeared from view by the mid-20th century, both the reasons for their decline, and their fate, remain largely unknown (Miller, 1998;Mollan & Tennent, 2015;Wilkins, 1998;Wilkins & Schröter, 1998).…”

Section: The Importance Of Being British: the Historical Contextmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Free-Standing Company: a “zombie” theory of international business history?

Mollan

2018

JMH

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Section: The Importance Of Being British: the Historical Contextmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Free-Standing Company: a “zombie” theory of international business history?

Mollan

2018

JMH

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“…The trajectory followed by the base mineral industry in British West Africa, for instance, bears little resemblance to the one described above. Not only is there hardly any evidence to support the claim that speculation was subordinated to 'an increasing need ... to systematise the development process', 4 but there are ample grounds for believing that 'company-mongering' continued to 24 THE JOURNAL OF IMPERIAL AND COMMONWEALTH HISTORY overshadow the actual production of tin in Northern Nigeria until the eve of the First World War.…”

Section: Ian Phimistermentioning

confidence: 99%

“…81 That the former were important is indisputable, but that they lent themselves to market manipulation and company-mongering as often as they worked against them is undeniable. Then as now the flow of information was highly selective.…”

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“…Indeed, the company's subsequent behaviour in West Africa was believed by contemporaries to have verged on 'rank deception' 73. More significantly, it is a perspective which casts doubt on the conclusion that 'as the situation in Nigeria demonstrates, the model [of British investment in overseas mining] which best characterizes the 1870-1914 period as whole, is one of peripheral initiation and metropolitan response' 74. Quite apart from the objections which Africanists would doubtless raise against seeing the Niger Company as anything other than a vehicle for metropolitan interests, it does look as if earlier investigations may have mistaken effect for cause.…”

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Corners and company‐mongering: Nigerian tin and the city of London, 1909–12

Phimister¹

2000

The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History

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“…83 83 For the flow of news between Britain and the empire, see Potter, News and the British world . See also Harvey and Press, ‘City and international mining’, pp. 109–16. …”

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‘The rules of the game’: London finance, Australia, and Canada, c.1900–14

Dilley

2010

The Economic History Review

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It is often asserted that, between 1865 and 1914, economic dependence on British capital subjected settler societies to an unofficial imperialism wielded by the City of London. This article argues that both advocates and critics of such models, particularly in the recent controversy over 'gentlemanly capitalism', pay insufficient attention to the City itself. Using the Edwardian City's connections with Australia and Canada, it illustrates the range of financial intermediaries involved and explores their perceptions of political economy in these countries. It concludes that the City's influence (or 'structural power') was limited by its internal divisions and hazy conceptions of political economy.e hr_518 1003..1031 T he relationships between the export of British capital and imperialism from 1870 until 1914 have long been the subject of controversy. 2 Much debate in the twentieth century was framed by the writings of Hobson and Lenin. Both, in different ways, sought to connect financial considerations with imperialistic actions by European states: meaning either the expansion of colonial empires or aggressive ('imperialist') foreign policies in other spheres. 3 However, most British capital flowed far from the frontiers of the British state's formal and informal empire building. 4 Between 1865 and 1913, 68 per cent of this investment was placed in regions also being settled by European migrants, especially in North America, the Latin American cone, Australasia, and southern Africa. 5 Except in southern Africa, interventions in the affairs of these countries were infrequent after the midnineteenth century. 6 The British government's influence was even curtailed in the settlement colonies within the British Empire (re-designated dominions from 1907). During the mid-nineteenth century, these colonies were conceded virtual internal autonomy in a devolutionary package dubbed 'responsible government '. 7 Britain's few remaining constitutional powers were rarely used, since intervening in 1 I would like to thank

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The City and International Mining, 1870–1914

Cited by 55 publications

References 0 publications

The Free-Standing Company: a “zombie” theory of international business history?

The Free-Standing Company: a “zombie” theory of international business history?

Corners and company‐mongering: Nigerian tin and the city of London, 1909–12

‘The rules of the game’: London finance, Australia, and Canada, c.1900–14

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