1997
DOI: 10.1080/00856409708723312
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The changingAmman:notes on the injury of war in Eastern Sri Lanka

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Cited by 23 publications
(6 citation statements)
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“…Family and social support, networks, relationships and the sense of community appear to be a vital protective factor for the individual and their families and important in their recovery. Cultural rituals and practices, like the North American Sweat Lodge ceremony [19], thuku kavadi in Northern Lanka [20] and Eastern Lankan oracle tradition [21], can heal and provide meaning to suffering after trauma. It is also becoming clear that social and cultural values, beliefs and perceptions will shape how traumatic events impact on the individual, family and community and the way they respond [22,23] .…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Family and social support, networks, relationships and the sense of community appear to be a vital protective factor for the individual and their families and important in their recovery. Cultural rituals and practices, like the North American Sweat Lodge ceremony [19], thuku kavadi in Northern Lanka [20] and Eastern Lankan oracle tradition [21], can heal and provide meaning to suffering after trauma. It is also becoming clear that social and cultural values, beliefs and perceptions will shape how traumatic events impact on the individual, family and community and the way they respond [22,23] .…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Batticaloa, or in Tamil Mattakkalappu (meaning 'muddy lagoon'), a district situated halfway down the east coast of Sri Lanka, has been one of the most disrupted and devastated areas of the island since the conflict started in the early 1980s (Lawrence 1999(Lawrence , 2000McGilvray 2008;Walker 2013b). Framed on either side by the sea and the lagoon, the district forms part of the Northern and Eastern regions of Sri Lanka that the militant group, the LTTE, drawn from the island's minority Tamil-speaking population, sought to secure and establish as a separate state, which they called 'Tamil Eelam'.…”
Section: Batticaloa and The Valkai Groupmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…To understand this part of the dynamic, we need to reflect on what could be called the world-making properties of temples in both locations. Patricia Lawrence, writing at the height of the civil war, has provided gripping descriptions of the ways in which female religious specialists were able to rework space to create enclaves in which the unspoken losses of the war could be safely articulated (Lawrence 1997, 2000). Whitaker, in his article on temples in Toronto, talks of Sri Lankan temples during the war as ‘at once, centres of local, moral landscapes, and .…”
Section: Conclusion: Shadow Gamesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Hindu temples had flourished, as had the new Pentecostal churches, through the years of war, albeit as spaces people retreated into for solace and healing, rather than as institutions from which leaders could emerge. But the kovils were not simply sites of healing (as documented in Patricia Lawrence's extraordinary ethnography from the 1990s (Lawrence 1997)); they were also places where a rather different kind of politics, the jostling for honour, continued to play out in the shadow of war (Whitaker 1997a). Most importantly the kovils , which are by some measure the biggest and most spectacular corporate institutions in local Tamil life in Eastern Sri Lanka, somehow managed to position themselves ‘outside’ the war, and for most of the time, equally ‘outside’ the hegemonic project of the LTTE, which sought to control all other aspects of Tamil life.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%