The blurring history of intervocalic devoicing

Abstract

The intervocalic position favors voicing in stops. Yet, some languages have been reported to feature the opposite (unnatural) process of intervocalic devoicing. This paper investigates two such case studies. Pre-Berawan intervocalic *b and *g have developed into Berawan [k] (Blust, 2013; Burkhardt, 2014). Pre-Kiput intervocalic *g, *ɟ͡ʝ, and *v have developed into Kiput [k], [c͡ ç], and [f], respectively (Blust, 2002). In Berawan (but not in Kiput), the development of intervocalic devoicing resulted in an unnatural gradient phonotactic restriction. To account for the data, we invoke Beguš’s (2018, 2019) blurring process model of sound change. The model proposes that unnatural phonology derives from a sequence of at least three phonetically motivated sound changes. We show that the steps involved in intervocalic devoicing are (i) the intervocalic fricativization of voiced stops, (ii) devoicing of fricatives, and finally (iii) the occlusion of devoiced fricatives. Each of the steps is independently attested and articulatorily motivated. Moreover, our blurring process proposal explains aspects of the historical development unaccounted for by previous approaches (Blust, 2005). We also present new evidence suggesting that a single sound change could not have operated in the pre-history of Berawan. Thus, we maintain that all unnatural phonology arises from a sequence of phonetically grounded sound changes through the blurring process.

Complex diachronies of final nasalization in Austronesian and Dakota

“…By comparison, a singlechange final nasalization as posited by Blust (2005; would be unmotivated because final nasalization does not reflect a universal phonetic tendency. Moreover, in Kayan-Murik (Beguš 2019), Berawan (Beguš & Dąbkowski 2023), and Kalabakan Murut, the fricativization stages are independently motivated by other diachronic developments and dialectal correspondences, further strengthening our proposal. We suggest that word-final nasalization in Karo Batak might have arisen via analogical extension ( §3.4).…”

“…Our account builds on their findings and provides additional language-internal and dialectal data supporting the claim that stop fricativization preceded final nasalization. Beguš (2019); Beguš & Dąbkowski (2023) also argue that the occlusion of fricatives back to stops is independently attested in both Berawan and Murik, which bears high resemblance to the occlusion of nasalized fricatives in the present case.…”

“…Beguš (2019) demonstrates that Murik post-nasal devoicing proceeded through a change of voiced stops to voiced fricatives. Beguš & Dąbkowski (2023) show that Berawan intervocalic devoicing involves a similar step of fricativization. Our account builds on their findings and provides additional language-internal and dialectal data supporting the claim that stop fricativization preceded final nasalization.…”

“…While it is true that final voiced stops in proto-languages of the four languages with final nasalization correspond to observed final nasals (as presented in Blust 2016), reflexes of voiced stops in other positions suggest that additional steps were involved in the development of final nasalization. Beguš's (2019); Beguš & Dąbkowski's (2023) work on two of the four languages shows that intermediate stages of fricativization are independently necessary to account for the phonologically unnatural developments. Beguš (2019) demonstrates that Murik post-nasal devoicing proceeded through a change of voiced stops to voiced fricatives.…”

“…We maintain that while phonetically unnatural phonological processes (e.g. Coetzee & Pretorius 2010;Hyman 2001;Beguš et al 2022;Dąbkowski 2023;Beguš & Dąbkowski 2023;Merrill 2015) may arise via a set of sound changes or analogical extension, regular sound changes are always phonetically motivated.…”