The binarity effect in Kosraean reduplication

Kennedy, Robert A.

doi:10.1017/s0952675705000527

Cited by 8 publications

(8 citation statements)

References 33 publications

(21 reference statements)

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“…Partial reduplication is achieved by ranking general structure-penalizing constraints below input-output correspondence and above base-reduplicant correspondence, an approach adopted in Gafos 1998, Kennedy 2005, Spaelti 1997, and Yu 2005. The prosody of reduplicative substrings is achieved through aligning morpheme edges generally to elements such as syllables or feet.…”

Section: Morphological Componentmentioning

confidence: 99%

Evidence for Morphoprosodic Alignment in Reduplication

Kennedy

2008

Linguistic Inquiry

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Morphoprosodic Alignment (MPA) is a nontemplatic model of reduplication designed to account for languages with multiple reduplicative subpatterns. The premise of MPA is that reduplicative morphemes can be stem-internal or stem-external and that this distinction is visible to the phonological component through general constraints on the association of stem-internal and stem-external morphemes to prosodic categories. I illustrate the model with Moronene, Klamath, and Gooniyandi, each of which has several reduplicative morphemes. MPA meets the challenge for an optimality-theoretic model to account for such systems without resorting to morpheme-specific indexed constraints or cophonological constraint hierarchies.One of the most fruitful aspects of the study of reduplication has been the analysis of phonological alternation in reduplicative forms-that is, systems in which the reduplicative substring may alternate in size or segmental content as a function of the phonological form of the root. Where alternation in reduplicative systems is strictly phonological, all reduplicative substrings are subject to the same set of phonological generalizations.Alternation in reduplication can also be morphological: the reduplicative morpheme may alternate in size or segmental content as a reflex of something other than the phonological form of the root. Such morphological alternation displays two types of form-function mapping: isomorphic, in which multiple reduplicative morphemes map to distinct sets of phonological generalizations, and allomorphic, in which a single reduplicative morpheme maps to multiple phonological generalizations, and in which the choice of generalization is determined by the root. For example, Hawaiian has three sets of generalizations over reduplicative substrings: a syllable-sized prefix, a foot-sized prefix, and a foot-sized suffix. There is no systematic functional contrast among these formational patterns, and the choice of affix is root-controlled.Both isomorphic and allomorphic alternation pose a challenge for modeling reduplicative systems. A second challenge is one of overgeneration: languages that have multiple reduplicative generalizations nevertheless respect an upper limit on the number of phonological patterns available at either side of a root. Despite the range of prosodic categories plausible as targets of reduplication, languages appear not to use more than two at either side of a word, except where fixed segments or multiple exponence is used.

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Section: Morphological Componentmentioning

confidence: 99%

Evidence for Morphoprosodic Alignment in Reduplication

Kennedy

2008

Linguistic Inquiry

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“…Following Spaelti (1997), Gafos (1998), Walker (1998), Ussishkin (2000), Kager (2001), Kennedy (2002Kennedy ( , 2005, McCarthy (2003) and Yu (2005), the association of the reduplicative substring to a single syllable can be done with two general constraints. First, ALIGN(m-R, s-R) (McCarthy & Prince 1993a) in (7a) effectively requires at least one syllable for the affix, while *STRUC-s (Zoll 1993) penalises each syllable in the output (7b).…”

Section: Preliminary Analysismentioning

confidence: 99%

Bugotu and Cheke Holo reduplication: in defence of the Emergence of the Unmarked

Kennedy

2008

Phonology

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This paper provides an analysis of the reduplicative systems of Bugotu, Cheke Holo, Tuvaluan and Hoava. In Bugotu and Cheke Holo, intervocalic consonants are not reflected in the reduplicative substring ; Tuvaluan reduplication creates initial geminate consonants, while Hoava reduplicants include coda consonants. Blevins (2003Blevins ( , 2005 argues that these languages pose a serious problem for the optimality-theoretic hypothesis of the Emergence of the Unmarked (McCarthy & Prince 1994), which predicts that reduplicated structures should not favour relatively marked outputs. I show that the data in fact are not problematic for the Emergence of the Unmarked hypothesis, because different, conflicting dimensions of markedness can arise in reduplicative phonology. In Bugotu and Cheke Holo, the tolerance of extrasyllabic segments combined with size-penalising constraints helps produce the consonant-deletion pattern. A similar defence of the Emergence of the Unmarked is offered for the reduplicative systems of Tuvaluan and Hoava.

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“…is the Emergence of the Unmarked (McCarthy & Prince 1994a): even though long vowels and codas are tolerated in Tonkawa generally ( Faith -IO≫ Markedness ), the reduplicant is allowed to copy only what it likes because it is subject to a different set of faithfulness constraints ( Markedness ≫ Faith -BR). The otherwise dominated markedness constraints against codas and long vowels will then determine the shape of the monosyllable (Walker 2000, Kennedy 2005, Yu 2005 et al . ).…”

Section: Gtt Alternativesmentioning

confidence: 99%

The reduplicative template in Tonkawa

Gouskova

2007

Phonology

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Generalised Template Theory holds that templatic restrictions on reduplicative morphemes follow from independent, general principles. Under lexically indexed constraint theory, however, reduplicants are in no way special – morpheme-specific constraints may apply just to reduplicants. This article presents reduplication patterns in Tonkawa, which are argued to require reduplicant-specific constraints. In Tonkawa, the reduplicant is limited in size to CV, and is usually syllabified as a light syllable. Even though the language typically prefers heavy syllables word-initially, they are light if the syllable is a reduplicative prefix. This size restriction is backcopied onto the first syllable of the base. In the context of the prosodic phonology of Tonkawa, this pattern can only be understood if there is a reduplicant-specific prohibition against heavy syllables. This prohibition is formulated in terms of lexically indexed constraints on the reduplicant, which allows for a nuanced understanding of the emergent CV template.

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The binarity effect in Kosraean reduplication

Cited by 8 publications

References 33 publications

Evidence for Morphoprosodic Alignment in Reduplication

Evidence for Morphoprosodic Alignment in Reduplication

Bugotu and Cheke Holo reduplication: in defence of the Emergence of the Unmarked

The reduplicative template in Tonkawa

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