“…The Early Bronze Age (EBA) of the southern Levant (contemporary Israel, Jordan, and the Palestinian Authority) is often considered a period of political experimentation. Signs of intensified social hierarchy appeared in different forms, intensities, and locations, and although the intensity grew over time, it was not necessarily linear and straightforward (Greenberg 2019, 125–31). During the Early Bronze II ( c .3100–2850 BC), an apparent major restructuring of the village‐centred political economy led to the emergence of a broad network of fortified settlements exhibiting a high degree of cultural uniformity.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Despite that, little evidence of centralized administration or social stratification was found. On the other hand, during the EB III ( c .2850–2500/2450 BC), prestige items became somewhat more common, fortifications became more elaborate, and palatial structures were built in several fortified centres, all elements likely testifying to a more stratified society (Philip 2008; Greenberg 2019; Ashkenazi 2020; Paz 2020). Concurrent with the transition to EB III, the first evidence for the arrival of a distinct, non‐local material cultural assemblage appears at sites in the northern Jordan Valley.…”
Summary
A large number of broken limestone maceheads found at Early Bronze Tel Bet Yerah appears to be the result of intentional curation and fragmentation. Our analysis suggests that Early Bronze maceheads could function as weapons, but their efficiency and dependability were limited. Based on their properties, provenance, breakage pattern, and dating, we suggest that the maceheads symbolized the distribution of power in the community and resistance to centralized authority during Early Bronze II. Their accumulation and fragmentation would then represent a reversal of heterarchical tendencies and possibly an attempt to assert centralized power at the beginning of Early Bronze III.
“…The Early Bronze Age (EBA) of the southern Levant (contemporary Israel, Jordan, and the Palestinian Authority) is often considered a period of political experimentation. Signs of intensified social hierarchy appeared in different forms, intensities, and locations, and although the intensity grew over time, it was not necessarily linear and straightforward (Greenberg 2019, 125–31). During the Early Bronze II ( c .3100–2850 BC), an apparent major restructuring of the village‐centred political economy led to the emergence of a broad network of fortified settlements exhibiting a high degree of cultural uniformity.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Despite that, little evidence of centralized administration or social stratification was found. On the other hand, during the EB III ( c .2850–2500/2450 BC), prestige items became somewhat more common, fortifications became more elaborate, and palatial structures were built in several fortified centres, all elements likely testifying to a more stratified society (Philip 2008; Greenberg 2019; Ashkenazi 2020; Paz 2020). Concurrent with the transition to EB III, the first evidence for the arrival of a distinct, non‐local material cultural assemblage appears at sites in the northern Jordan Valley.…”
Summary
A large number of broken limestone maceheads found at Early Bronze Tel Bet Yerah appears to be the result of intentional curation and fragmentation. Our analysis suggests that Early Bronze maceheads could function as weapons, but their efficiency and dependability were limited. Based on their properties, provenance, breakage pattern, and dating, we suggest that the maceheads symbolized the distribution of power in the community and resistance to centralized authority during Early Bronze II. Their accumulation and fragmentation would then represent a reversal of heterarchical tendencies and possibly an attempt to assert centralized power at the beginning of Early Bronze III.
“…While the Middle Bronze Age I ( c .2000–1800 BC) in the Shephelah was characterized by relatively low settlement activity (Dagan 2004; Finkelstein and Langgut 2014), the Middle Bronze Age II–III ( c .1800–1600 BC) experienced an increase in settlement activity, reflected by intensive urbanization (Dagan 2004; Greenberg 2019, 225). Many of the Middle Bronze Age sites in the southern Levant were endowed with massive fortification systems (Burke 2008), as was the case at Azekah (Quail‐Gates 2022) and Lachish (Ussishkin 2004).…”
SummaryAlthough the Shephelah region (Israel) is of a great archaeological significance and has been intensively excavated, very little is known about its landscape history. This study presents two large‐scale charred wood assemblages (>2300 items) that were recovered from Tel Azekah and Tel Lachish in order to reconstruct the ancient vegetation of the Shephelah. The two assemblages cover a temporal range from the Middle Bronze Age through the Hellenistic period (c.2000–100 BC). This new diachronic environmental investigation demonstrates that the natural arboreal vegetation in the Shephelah was dominated by oak and pistachio. From the perspective of the regional fruit tree horticulture, olive was the dominant component, indicating that the region included extensive olive orchards. Other documented fruit trees are grapevine, fig, sycamore fig, carob, date palm and almond. The high frequencies of olive remains throughout all investigated periods point to climatic conditions in the region being close to what we are facing today, with at least 400–450 mm of annual precipitation, which is required for a profitable grove. During the Iron Age II, the proportion of olive remains reached its zenith, most probably as a result of Assyrian agroeconomic management that assigned the Shephelah to olive oil production. At the same time, a reduction in natural Mediterranean trees was identified, representing intense human pressure on the natural environment. The discovery of charred cedar of Lebanon remains only at Lachish points to the high status of the site within the region.
“…On numerous occasions, Zuckerman has argued that Hazor was a “sacred landscape” constructed by elites in order to legitimize their rule while integrating the settlement's non‐elite population into its greater sphere of influence (Zuckerman 2007a, 16; 2012, 116–22). Echoing these notions, Greenberg (2019, 317) argues that the monumental structures of the acropolis and lower city were vehicles of royal authority and ideology at LB Hazor. Indeed, no Bronze Age site in the southern Levant had nearly as many temples as Hazor did, and the four monumental migdal temples – associated with elites – appear both on the acropolis and lower city.…”
Section: Religion and Elite Ideology: A Successful Means To Control T...mentioning
Summary
Hazor was the largest Bronze Age site in the southern Levant, established as an urban centre with many temples. This study explores how Hazor's elites used religion as an ideological tool to promote their legitimacy, to reinforce social hierarchy, and to maintain control over the populace. Accordingly, a methodology employing the spatial analysis of temple assemblages will be used to show that the use patterns of many of Hazor's temples diverge from other contemporary temples in the region. These anomalies, it is argued, resulted from Hazor's elites actively controlling and manipulating the performance of ritual throughout the site. Hazor's elites also made use of highly recognizable forms of cultic space so as to engage the non‐elite sectors of society while altering the manner in which those spaces were used and who had access to them. This religious innovation at Hazor was directly related to an elite ideology that strived to maintain control over non‐elites, while also aiming to integrate the various socially stratified groups into a community joined together in a sacred landscape.
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