The anticipatory politics of homophobia: explaining constitutional bans on same-sex marriage in post-communist Europe

Abstract

As the number of European countries that recognise same-sex unions increases, so does the number of countries that resists this institution. This trend runs counter to the conventional wisdom, which links anti-LGBTI policies to domestic demands and developments. Instead, this paper argues that political homophobia needs to be situated within an international context. Using the Slovak case as a plausibility probe, the article shows that the bans on same-sex marriage were adopted as a precautionary measure: worried by the growing support for LGBTI rights elsewhere in Europe, conservative lawmakers feared that their traditional family values would come under threat.

Where is the party? Explaining positions on same-sex marriage in Europe among would-be members of parliament

“…The question elicits what specific action a candidate might take on LGBT rights rather than just acting as a political thermometer and, thus, is a better indicator that would estimate what a politician will do when considering parliamentary legislation. More importantly, and as demonstrated by Mos (2020), SSM prohibitions via constitutional amendments have been on the rise in a number of European states. Asking candidates about SSM prohibitions is, therefore, an effective measure as it solicits candidates' attitudes towards policy reforms that have actively been taking place.…”

“…While post-communist countries, on average, are less wealthy and economically developed than Western, capitalist ones, low levels of development alone do not predict higher rates of homonegativity. Instead, lower levels of tolerance are attributed to the lingering effects of Soviet ideology that suggests homosexuality is associated with decadent Western values(Janos 2001), the more substantial role religion has in politics in some post-communist countries(Ayoub 2014;Grzymala-Busse 2015), or how conservative religious values and national identity have been fused together in some post-communist countries to oppose the import of culturally progressive norms(Ayoub 2014;Mos 2020;O'Dwyer 2012), although these factors' effects also vary across CEE countries and political parties from left to right. Thus, we expect that candidates from post-communist countries are more likely to support a SSM ban than their peers from the same party families in Western Europe.…”

Rysslands konservativa vändning och den globala anti-genusrörelsen

“…Andra forskare påpekar emellertid att sexualkonservativa rörelsers framväxt inte nödvändigtvis föregås av progressiva framsteg eller ens existensen av synliga rörelser för kvinnors eller minoriteters rättigheter. Exempelvis sker ibland en kraftfull mobilisering mot hbtq-rättigheter i sammanhang där nationell hbtq-aktivism är helt osynlig eller kraftigt marginaliserad, vad som beskrivits som »anticipatorisk motmobilisering» (Weiss, 2013; se också Mos, 2020). Framväxten av aggressiv och hbtq-fientlig politik i sammanhang där rättigheter saknas och det inte framförs politiska krav på samkönade äktenskap eller transrättigheter pekar på att konservativ mobilisering åtminstone inte alltid kan ses som en backlash på progressiva framsteg.…”

Protecting difference: A discussion on transphobic and homophobic hate crime in the Irish context

“…Under Viktor Orbán's government, the proposal was passed into law. In Bulgaria, Hungary, Slovakia and other EU member states, same-sex marriage and civil partnerships continue to be banned (ILGA Europe, 2021; Moss, 2020). In Ireland due to the significant progresses made in recent years, there is a risk of complacency setting in.…”