The accumulation of disadvantage: Criminal justice contact, credit, and debt in the transition to adulthood^*

Abstract

Social exclusion of those with criminal justice experience increasingly includes a financial component, but the structure of disadvantage in credit and debt remains unclear. We develop a model of financial disadvantage in debt holding during the transition to adulthood among justice‐involved groups. We study cumulative criminal justice contact and debt holding by age 30 using the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1997 (NLSY97). The NLSY97 cohort transitioned to adulthood during an era of historically high criminal justice contact, with many experiencing arrests, convictions, and incarceration. We develop a distinct measurement approach to cumulative criminal justice contact by age 30 that captures variation between young adults in the severity of justice encounters in the early life course. We conceptualize financial disadvantage as a lower likelihood of holding debt that facilitates property and attainment investments and a higher likelihood of holding higher cost debts used for consumption or emergencies. We find that those with the most punitive criminal justice contact evidence the most disadvantageous form of debt holding, potentially exacerbating social exclusion. We consider the implications of the accumulation of financial disadvantage for our understanding of criminal justice contact as a life‐course process.

Damned if you do, damned if you don't: How formerly incarcerated men navigate the labor market with prison credentials*

“…Yet, results suggest most men encountered criminal record barriers to enrollment and/or accumulated student loan debt in pursuit of their career goals, which they suggested contributed to their reoffending and exacerbated stress. These experiences are congruent with recent work evidencing the criminal record barriers to college admissions and that formerly incarcerated people hold more disadvantageous and riskier debts, such as student loans (DeMarco et al., 2021; Stewart & Uggen, 2020). These criminal record and economic barriers constrain their educational and vocational options after prison, which may also leave them vulnerable to predatory educational institutions and practices (McMillan‐Cottom, 2017; Darolia et al., 2015; Deming et al., 2016; Seamster & Charron‐Chénier, 2017).…”

“…Couldn't really pay that, started back selling drugs to try to support my schooling [and] ended up going back to jail. After that, it was right back and forth to the penitentiary.” Through this pathway, participants like Michael accumulated student loan debt in hopes of finding quality employment related to their interests (DeMarco et al., 2021), which many suggested contributed to their reoffending.…”

A Diagram of the Social-Ecological Conditions of Opioid Misuse and Overdose

“…Individuals with substance use disorder live socially marginal and isolated [94]. Once a person becomes substance involved, their disadvantage increases if they enter the criminal justice system [95]. The US carceral approach to addressing substance use creates unique risks and prevents the full potential of treatment and harmreducing assistance to prevent substance-related death and disease [96,97].…”

Criminal record stigma, race, and neighborhood inequality

“…I complement this approach by considering the mark of a criminal record without any details about offense type(s), severity, or timing. For many, criminal history cannot be captured by a single offense as criminal justice contact recurs throughout early adulthood (DeMarco et al., 2021; Kurlycheck & Johnson, 2018). My approach thus draws attention to the realities of the carceral state by exploring the prevalence of broad criminal record screening that considers the presence of any criminal history disqualifying.…”