The 1994 Mexican Elections: Manifestation of a Divided Society?

Klesner, Joseph L.

doi:10.1525/msem.1995.11.1.03a00070

Cited by 7 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 0 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Order By: Relevance

“…Indeed, regional differences and socioeconomic factors continue to play important roles in shaping voting behavior (Domínguez and McCann, ; Klesner, , , , ; Lawson, ; Magaloni, , ; Poire, ) and even though their effects on the emerging political landscape have become increasingly studied, the ways in which they interact with each other to mold voters’ electoral choices remain undertheorized. Geography and other socioeconomic indicators are often controlled for in analyses of Mexican election data, and their correlation and support for the conservative party is almost always noted (e.g., Klesner, ; Domínguez and McCann, ; Moreno, ; Domínguez and Lawson, ; Camp, ), but the underlying mechanisms that are at the core of this connection between vote choice and socioeconomic status have not been examined.…”

Section: Income Heterogeneity and The Vote: Theoretical Considerationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

One Vote or Many Mexicos? Income, Heterogeneity, and the 2006–2012 Presidential Elections*

Cortina

Lasala-Blanco

2015

Social Science Quarterly

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Objective This article investigates the role of income and income heterogeneity on voters’ preferences for the conservative party. Methods Fitting a series of logistic regressions on exit poll data from the 2006 and 2012 Mexican presidential elections. Results We find that heterogeneity mediates the effect of income on the probability of voting for the conservative candidate. Conclusion In more heterogeneous places, rich voters are more likely to support the candidate on the right than their counterparts in more homogeneous places, while poorer voters are more likely to vote for Partido Accion Nacional in less heterogeneous places. In more heterogeneous states, voters are more likely to encounter members of other socioeconomic groups who prompt them to vote for the party that better represents their group's interests.

show abstract

Section: Income Heterogeneity and The Vote: Theoretical Considerationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

One Vote or Many Mexicos? Income, Heterogeneity, and the 2006–2012 Presidential Elections*

Cortina

Lasala-Blanco

2015

Social Science Quarterly

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…Moreover, there is evidence of increasing partisan dealignment among the Mexican electorate, a factor that would diminish the significance of opposing partisan views (Klesner 1994). Moreover, there is evidence of increasing partisan dealignment among the Mexican electorate, a factor that would diminish the significance of opposing partisan views (Klesner 1994).…”

Section: Of Mexican Citizens Toward Nafta Are Also Shaped By Prior Vamentioning

confidence: 99%

Mass Support for Regional Economic Integration: The Case of NAFTA and the Mexican Public

Davis¹

1998

Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.. Mediante el empleo de encuestas l1evados a cabo en 1991 y 1993, el presente articulo examina las bases del apoyo que el Tratado de Libre Comercio de America del Norte tiene entre los ciudadanos mexicanos y compara los resultados con un estudio reciente sobre las actitudes hacia la integra-ci6n europea. Al evaluar el TLC, los mexicanos se guiaron mas por sus opiniones sobre la administraci6n de Salinas y los Estados Unidos que por consideraciones de utilidad econ6mica. La importancia que estas cuestiones tienen para los ciudadanos mexicanos se explica por factores de situa-ci6n y por la restringida sociedad civil de Mexico.This study examines how the mass public in Mexico responded to one component of the neoliberal restructuring that took place under Presidents Miguel de la Madrid (1982)(1983)(1984)(1985)(1986)(1987)(1988) and Carlos Salinas de Gortari (1988)(1989)(1990)(1991)(1992)(1993)(1994). That component is trade liberalization via entry into a regional free trade agreement with the United States and Canada. Specifically, this study examines how the Mexican public responded to the the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) that was negotiated and ratified during the early 1990s.This focus allows one to examine how the public in one country has responded to one facet of neoliberal restructuring that has occurred throughout Latin America since the early 1980s. It would seem that public attitudes toward trade liberalization would be more positive than for other types of neoliberal policies in that the social costs are not as readily apparent as, say, reductions in social spending, restrictive wage policies, or privatization.' Moreover, unlike many other policy debates over economic restructuring in Mex-1. The implications of this point are discussed later in the text. Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos ico, NAFTA received extensive media coverage both in the UnitedStates and Mexico; hence, public awareness of the proposal has been high.2 It should also be noted that Mexican views of NAFTA could be more closely intertwined with attitudes toward the United States and Canada than are other components of the neoliberal policy package.Using public opinion surveys that were conducted in 1991 and 1993 in Mexico, the study first examines levels of support for NAFTA and cross-sectional differences in those levels of support. Were Mexicans receptive to this trade agreement and to what degree? Was there significant variation across demographic and partisan variables in levels of support? Did the level of support for NAFTA vary between 1991 and 1993? In addition to exploring patterns and trends at the descriptive level, the article examines alternative

show abstract

“…In a related vein, Klesner ( 1993Klesner ( , 1995 and Davis and Coleman (1994) have carefully analyzed voting patterns in the 1991 and 1994 elections. Both find that there remains a noticeable degree of voter dealignment5 since the 1988 election when large numbers of voters shifted their support to Cuauhtemoc Cardenas and his center-left coalition of parties collectively known as the National Democratic Front (FDN).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

A Fading Aztec Sun

McDonald

1997

Critique of Anthropology

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

▪ This article examines the changing nature of contemporary political discourse in Mexico. The traditional nationalist political discourse centered on issues of sovereignty and social justice, carefully cultivated and controlled by the Insititutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) to legitimize its dominant position in a one-party corporate state. Using the 1994 presidential elections as my entry point, I argue that the PRI has undergone a semiotic metamorphosis, shedding nationalist rhetoric and image in favor of global ones. Its discourse has evolved as the domestic socio-economic situation has devolved. Central to this project is the redefinition of national identity. As Chatterjee (1993: 21) observes, 'nationness is virtually inseparable from political consciousness'. The PRI is establishing new sets of institutional myths about the relationship between prosperity, the free market and globalization. Complementing its symbolic rebirth is a redefinition of danger in a stark survivalist narrative -the politics of everyday fear. President Carlos Salinas's (1988-94) message emphasized that traditional nationalist economic policies were dangerous, and that Mexico could only survive through economic globalism. Over the course of his term, he was able to disarm the nationalist symbolism of the leftist opposition candidate, Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas, with an equally powerful integrationist utopian discourse that promised prosperity, especially to the middle class. I conclude by noting that there is a pronounced disjuncture between material conditions and the historically imagined identity of Mexicans that signifies a break between the nation and the state. Out of the detritus of economic reform, a critical project facing Mexicans is to reimagine what it means to be Mexican and carry forward a sense of social justice in the new global economic order.

show abstract

The 1994 Mexican Elections: Manifestation of a Divided Society?

Cited by 7 publications

References 0 publications

One Vote or Many Mexicos? Income, Heterogeneity, and the 2006–2012 Presidential Elections*

One Vote or Many Mexicos? Income, Heterogeneity, and the 2006–2012 Presidential Elections*

Mass Support for Regional Economic Integration: The Case of NAFTA and the Mexican Public

A Fading Aztec Sun

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About