Abstract:Die folgende Zusarnmenstellung enthalt eine Uebersicht der im Jahre I 882 am 6 zo11. Refractor beobachteten heliographischen Oerter von Sonnenflecken fir die Rotationsperioden 284 bis 2 96 incl. (Sporer'sche Zahlungsweise) und zwar giebt sie unter L und b die mittleren angenaherten heliographischen Normalltingen und heliographischen Breiten, gegrundet auf die Spiirer'schen Rotationselemente , sodann die Beobachtungstage , Bemerkungen ilber die iiussere Erscheinung der Gruppen und fur geeignete Flecken die resu… Show more
“…Even in classic sociological writings, we find close relations between emotion and scientific reasons. The most prominent example was delivered in the 1930s by Ludwik Fleck (1979Fleck ( [1935), who created the famous idea of "thought styles": cognitive frameworks that form the perception of the outer world. Thought styles are characterized by common research questions, by methodological standards, and by a common way to think and speak about both.…”
Section: Emotion and Scientific Reasoningmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Fleck argues that the "concept of emotionless thinking is meaningless. There is no emotionless state or pure rationality as such" (Fleck 1979(Fleck [1935, 49). For him, scientific research and scientific perception are deeply social and emotional activities, and emotion is an inevitable resource for analyzing the world.…”
Section: Emotion and Scientific Reasoningmentioning
From the perspective of traditional philosophies of science, economic forecasts may be perceived as the results of purely rational reasoning, applying scientific theories, and econometric modeling. Yet, a sociological view on economic forecasting shows that economic forecasts mobilize more than these conventional epistemic resources. First, economic forecasters are embedded in a huge interaction network including different kinds of economists, policy makers, and representatives of the economy. In the epistemic process of economic forecasting, this network actively helps improve the forecasts in (at least) three ways: it helps forecasters to produce new imaginaries of the economic future and to discover emerging developments, it increases the forecasts' social legitimacy, and it produces a common view on the economic future that helps to decrease uncertainty in markets. Second, economic forecasters mobilize emotions that help them to overcome the shortcomings of quantitative data, statistics, and econometric modeling: they develop a feeling for numbers-and numbers support them in developing a feeling for the economy-they have to control their emotions to keep cool when the economy or politics confronts them with increasing dynamics, and they are impassioned about their work. Drawing on data gathered in numerous economic forecasting institutes in Germany, Austria, and Switzerland, I argue that the main resources in producing credible and accurate economic forecasts consist of various forms of social interaction and the mobilization of emotion.
“…Even in classic sociological writings, we find close relations between emotion and scientific reasons. The most prominent example was delivered in the 1930s by Ludwik Fleck (1979Fleck ( [1935), who created the famous idea of "thought styles": cognitive frameworks that form the perception of the outer world. Thought styles are characterized by common research questions, by methodological standards, and by a common way to think and speak about both.…”
Section: Emotion and Scientific Reasoningmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Fleck argues that the "concept of emotionless thinking is meaningless. There is no emotionless state or pure rationality as such" (Fleck 1979(Fleck [1935, 49). For him, scientific research and scientific perception are deeply social and emotional activities, and emotion is an inevitable resource for analyzing the world.…”
Section: Emotion and Scientific Reasoningmentioning
From the perspective of traditional philosophies of science, economic forecasts may be perceived as the results of purely rational reasoning, applying scientific theories, and econometric modeling. Yet, a sociological view on economic forecasting shows that economic forecasts mobilize more than these conventional epistemic resources. First, economic forecasters are embedded in a huge interaction network including different kinds of economists, policy makers, and representatives of the economy. In the epistemic process of economic forecasting, this network actively helps improve the forecasts in (at least) three ways: it helps forecasters to produce new imaginaries of the economic future and to discover emerging developments, it increases the forecasts' social legitimacy, and it produces a common view on the economic future that helps to decrease uncertainty in markets. Second, economic forecasters mobilize emotions that help them to overcome the shortcomings of quantitative data, statistics, and econometric modeling: they develop a feeling for numbers-and numbers support them in developing a feeling for the economy-they have to control their emotions to keep cool when the economy or politics confronts them with increasing dynamics, and they are impassioned about their work. Drawing on data gathered in numerous economic forecasting institutes in Germany, Austria, and Switzerland, I argue that the main resources in producing credible and accurate economic forecasts consist of various forms of social interaction and the mobilization of emotion.
“…Ako ne razumemo na kakav amalgam autohtone balkanske arheološke tradicije (Бабић 2008(Бабић , 119-137, Палавестра 2011а, 153-163, Novaković 2011 naležu pojmovi kao što su narativ, habitus i diskurs, onda je gotovo svako preispitivanje identiteta u prošlosti prazno posipanje postmodernim terminima. Zbog toga je vrlo važno, pored razumevanja ideja o prošlosti, usmeriti se i ka tumačenju nastanka, prenosa i razvoja teorija i metodologija (sensu Fleck 1981), koje nam omogućavaju znanja o prošlosti.…”
Section: Mehanizam Metamorfoze Duž Etnogentskog Kontinuumaunclassified
“…Dakle, uprkos originalnosti ideja i prevođenju aktuelnih tema o rasnoj istoriji naroda u jugoslovenski kontekst (Promitzer 2001, 9-30), Županić nije stvorio kolektiv mišljenja oko sebe. Razlozi za to se mogu tražiti u tome što se kolektivi mišljenja baziraju na razmeni ideja u zajednici, a za njihovu trajnost neophodno je da budu spregnuti sa institucijama kroz koje se ostvaruju uključenja mlađih generacija, zahvaljujući obrazovnom sistemu 8 i ritualima koji prate uvođenje novih članova u zajednicu (Fleck 1981(Fleck , Škorić 2010. Da bi Županić "otkrio/prepoznao/ukazao na" jugoslovensku etnogenezu, bilo je neophodno da budu razumljive osnove znanja na koje izrečeno referiše.…”
The paper considers the role of Niko Županić in the processes of translation of the anthropological and archaeological knowledges into the language of the political activism during the First World War and immediately after. As recorded by Sima Trojanović, Županić was employed at the Ethnographic Museum in Belgrade in May 1914, as "anthropological clerk" with the duty to "first of all measure the Serbian people, and only after that the foreigners on the Balkan Peninsula". He was officially stationed here up to 1922, although he spent the war years out of the country, involved in political activism, along with other Serbian and Yugoslav intellectuals, with the aim of creating the state of the Yugoslavs. At the outbreak of the First World War, Županić spent the first three months as a volunteer in Niš, and was then sent to Rome and London, where he took part in the activities of the Yugoslav Board. During 1916 the Serbian Government sent him to the United States, to secure the support of the American Slovenes for the Yugoslav idea. From 1915 till the end of the war, he wrote studies on the South Slavic past and political announcements, drew the borders of the desired territories, held speeches on the unity of the Serbs, Slovenes, and Croats. His book Ethnogenesis of the Yugoslavs (1920), written during the war and at first aimed at the English-speaking audience, richly illustrates the ways in which all these activities intertwined. Here Županić stresses the "creative potency of the blood and racial source" of brachycefaly of the Illyrian natives observed in the case of the Yugoslavs. The critical analysis and contextualization of this volume makes possible the new insights into the concepts of identity in the history of the Serbian anthropology and archaeology. This study did not receive much attention in the archaeological circles, but its ideas have subsequently, selectively and indirectly become the part of the history of the Serbian archaeology.
“…These others include scrapbookers and their peers, the audiences for the scrapbooks, biographical others (i.e., family and friends), the other thought communities to which individual scrappers belong, and an industry devoted to teaching people how to scrapbook and, consequently, how to do autobiography. Moreover, scrapbookers constitute a thought community (Fleck 1979(Fleck [1935; Zerubavel 1997) with a common perspective (see Shibutani 1955) and norms of interpreting everyday life as memorable or forgettable. Drawing on interviews with scrappers, biographical others, and industry workers, I show how the content and process of autobiographical work is socially grounded, produced, and consumed, thus extending DeGloma's (2010DeGloma's ( , 2014 concept of autobiographical community.…”
Viewing the popular process of making “scrapbooks” as a particular type of autobiographical occasion, I analyze interviews with scrapbookers and others who make up the scrapbooker's community, including industry workers and biographical others (i.e., family and friends). By considering scrapbooks within the autobiographical community in which they are created, I am able to scrutinize the structure of the narratives they contain, the role of the audience in their creation, and the emergence of norms of remembrance among scrapbookers. The narratives recorded in scrapbooks emerge from the bottom up and suggest that scrapbooking is a way to demonstrate the biographical stability necessary to craft an authenticity narrative. Further, I explore how scrapbookers “do autobiography” by uncovering their decision‐making process regarding what is worth memorializing. Scrapbookers work through a mnemonic checklist assessing special events and everyday life for its “scrapworthiness.” This paper's contribution centers on describing the process and the content of these atypical autobiographical occasions.
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