Tense Beyond the Verb: Encoding Clausal Tense/Aspect/Mood on Nominal Dependents

Nordlinger, Rachel; Sadler, Louisa

doi:10.1023/b:nala.0000027720.41506.fe

Cited by 45 publications

(12 citation statements)

References 25 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Order By: Relevance

“…Moreover, according to Lecarme (1996Lecarme ( , 2004Lecarme ( , 2008, Sadler and Nordlinger (2001) and Nordlinger and Sadler (2003, 2004a, 2004b, among others, nominals are inflected for tense, aspect and mood in a number of languages. In Halkomelem and Guaraní, as shown in (10) and (11), the same set of affixes mark tense on nominals and verbal predicates.…”

Section: Temporality and Tense In Nominalsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Musan (1995Musan ( , 1997Musan ( , 1999 observes that noun phrases can be modified by various kinds of temporal expressions and that these temporal modifiers can modify nouns denoting life-time or temporary properties. Lecarme (1996Lecarme ( , 2004Lecarme ( , 2008, Sadler and Nordlinger (2001) and Nordlinger and Sadler (2003, 2004a, 2004b point out that nominals are inflected for tense, aspect and mood in a number of languages (e.g., Halkomelem and Guaraní). Contra this, Alexiadou (2001Alexiadou ( , 2005, based on the absence of phenomena related to T (namely, Extended Projection Principle (EPP), Exceptional Case Marking (ECM) and raising) in nominals, argues that these constructions lack a tense projection.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

See 1 more Smart Citation

Tense and modality in the nominal domain

Ilkhanipour

2016

linguistica

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

It is well discussed in the literature that epistemic modals (Mod epis) are base-generated higher than Tense (T), while non-epistemic/root modals (Mod root) are base-generated lower than T, and that high modals are evaluated in the context of the speech event (i.e., with regard to the speaker at the speech time), whereas low modals are evaluated in the context of the VP event (with regard to an argument at the event time). In this study, looking with favour upon the presence of tense and modal functional projections in the nominal domain, and following the idea that adjectives are basegenerated in the specifiers of distinct functional projections, I argue that, similar to the structure of CPs, epistemic and root modal elements have different positions in DPs; epistemic adjectives appear in the specifier of Mod epis.NP above nominal tense (TNP), while root adjectives appear in the specifier of Mod root.NP below TNP, where nominal tense is the time of the existence or occurrence of the modified noun. With this aim in view, first, I show that the ambiguity of the adjective qæbli ‘previous’ is due to the two positions this adjective can occupy: the specifier of TNP and the specifier of ordinalP, where the adjective receives temporal and ordinal interpretations, respectively. Next, I explain that this structural ambiguity is observed when qæbli ‘previous’ cooccurs with root adjectives, such as qabel-e-ɁeɁtemad ‘reliable’. This suggests that the position of root adjectives is lower than TN, where it is interpreted with respect to the modified noun at the event time. With epistemic adjectives, such as Ɂehtemali ‘probable’, the adjective qæbli ‘previous’ is not ambiguous; it can be interpreted only as an ordinal modifier. This implies that the epistemic modal is higher than TN, where it is evaluated with regard to the speaker’s knowledge at the speech time. Thus, we see that the interaction of temporal and modal adjectives in DPs provides evidence for a structural hierarchy in the nominal domain parallel to its counterpart at the clausal level.

show abstract

Section: Temporality and Tense In Nominalsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Tense and modality in the nominal domain

Ilkhanipour

2016

linguistica

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…For particular languages, the selection of markers in (7)- (8) may seem too narrow or conservative but the aim is to establish sufficient and universal sets. The sets of markers in (7)- (8) (Jacobsen 1979;Nordlinger & Sadler 2004). Importantly, however, TAM marking on N or DET appears to be restricted to a proper subset of TAM paradigm in these languages.…”

Section: Nouns Verbs and Flexiblesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…In the world's languages, there is at least one example of LP marking on an LA marker (TAM on DET in Chamicuro - Nordlinger & Sadler 2004). I know of no examples of LA marking (DET or POSS) on an LP marker (TAM or voice).…”

Section: A Virtual Experimentsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The noun/verb and predicate/argument structures

Luuk

2009

Lingua

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

“…Independent nominal TAM refers to cases where TAM markers only have scope over the nominal expression and not on the proposition, as in the Guaraní example (1) above, where -kue and -rã determine the temporal interpretation of ñemoñe'ẽ 'speech' but not that of the proposition, which is interpreted in present tense. Propositional TAM (or "clausal TAM"' in Nordlinger and Sadler 2004b), on the other hand, refers to cases where TAM markers provide information for the whole proposition, often (but not necessarily) in conjunction with verbal TAM markers; below is an example of the latter case from Lardil (Klokeid 1976, cited in Nordlinger andSadler 2004a: 791).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

TAM marking on nominals in Chorote (Mataguayo, Argentine, and Paraguayan Chaco)

Carol

2015

Linguistics

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

This paper analyzes TAM marking in the nominal domain in Chorote (Mataguayo or Matacoan; Argentina and Paraguay). In this language, some of the verbal TAM markers also occur in the nominal domain, and at least three of them can have scope over only the nominal but not over the predicate of the clause: the distant past pe(j), the irrealis -a and the conjectural (epistemic or evidential) -t'ey. The phenomenon is analogous to nominal TAM as described for many languages by Nordlinger and Sadler (2004a) but the difference is that Chorote markers are clitics or independent words and not nominal inflectional morphemes. Regarding the distant past marker, we argue that it codifies tense and not aspect or any other category; however, it is syntactically a modifier of the verb or the noun and not a functional category Tense like the one found in the verbal domain of European languages. Linguistics 2015; 53(4): 877-930 Brought to you by | University of California -Santa Barbara Authenticated Download Date | 7/23/15 1:08 PM

show abstract

Tense Beyond the Verb: Encoding Clausal Tense/Aspect/Mood on Nominal Dependents

Cited by 45 publications

References 25 publications

Tense and modality in the nominal domain

Tense and modality in the nominal domain

The noun/verb and predicate/argument structures

TAM marking on nominals in Chorote (Mataguayo, Argentine, and Paraguayan Chaco)

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About