Temporal restrictions on personal pronouns: The composition of Blackfoot proclitics

Bliss, Heather; Gruber, Bettina

doi:10.1016/j.lingua.2014.12.008

Cited by 7 publications

(7 citation statements)

References 30 publications

(42 reference statements)

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“…As such, the next logical option is eventuality time, generally taken to be represented within the VP (cf., e.g., Enç 1987;Zagona 1990;Stowell 1993Stowell , 1995Stowell , 2007Demirdache and Uribe-Etxebarria 1997, 2000. Further developing work published in Bliss and Gruber (2015), Gruber (2013) shows that one such language is Blackfoot (Algonquian) which consistently uses personal proclitics that lack the D-layer in contexts that do not involve a temporally restricted eventuality (e.g., inalienable possession). However, proclitics which do contain a D-layer appear in cases in which the relationship between the individual denoted by the pronoun and the eventuality under discussion is temporally restricted.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The first crucial ingredient is the basic function of D: As in Bliss and Gruber (2015), I follow Gillon (2006) who argues on the basis of data from the Salish language Skwxwú7mesh (Squamish), which has an elaborate system of determiners, that D is universally associated with domain restriction. To briefly illustrate domain restriction in general, consider the sentence in (15):(15) The girls are exceptionally smart.…”

Section: The Contribution Of Dmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Applying her basic insight to indexical pronouns allows us to also take stages of speaker and hearer into consideration and add a temporal component to the pronoun's structure. Further developing this idea from Bliss and Gruber (2015), I propose that D 0 contains a time-feature that restricts the pronoun's interpretation. Combining this with Gillon (2006) consequently leads to the following result: the stage of the individual denoted by φP that D 0 picks out gets determined by the temporal specification located in D 0 .…”

Section: Fig 1 Domain Restriction By Utterance Timementioning

confidence: 99%

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Temporal and atemporal uses of ‘you’: indexical and generic second person pronouns in English, German, and Dutch

Gruber

2017

J Comp German Linguistics

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Second person singular pronouns are widely used in generic contexts, referring to people in general rather than to the single addressee of the utterance. Based on the assumption that pronouns are morphosyntactically complex elements, this paper argues that only pro-φPs in the sense of Déchaine and Wiltschko (2002) are licit in those environments while fully fledged pro-DPs are necessarily interpreted indexically. It is argued that the latter contain an interpretable but unvalued time-feature in D which restricts the interpretation of the entire structure to a specific temporal stage of the individual denoted by the pronoun. The article shows that in German, English, and Dutch this time-feature is valued by utterance time, thus leading to an indexical interpretation of the pronoun. From a broader perspective, the time-feature is proposed to be universally present in indexical pronouns. Ultimately, its properties are responsible for crosslinguistic variation in the syntax and semantics of first and second person pronouns.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: The Contribution Of Dmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Fig 1 Domain Restriction By Utterance Timementioning

confidence: 99%

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Temporal and atemporal uses of ‘you’: indexical and generic second person pronouns in English, German, and Dutch

Gruber

2017

J Comp German Linguistics

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“… Though (40) depicts a situation observed in a subset of Romance languages, it is not without crosslinguistic correlates. A D alternation conditioned by TMA categories characterizes for instance Blackfoot (Algonquian) clitics, as described by Bliss & Gruber (:175): ‘one series of Blackfoot proclitics consists of morphosyntactically simplex pro‐KPs that only encode person features, while the other series are morphosyntactically complex pro‐DPs composed of a KP plus a D head. The semantic contribution of the D head is temporal: it restricts the denotation of the proclitic to a contextually relevant stage of an individual … The short form proclitics, which lack this temporal restriction, appear in contexts that do not refer to specific stage’. …”

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confidence: 99%

Enclisis/Proclisis Alternations in Romance: Allomorphies and (Re)Ordering

Manzini

Savoia

2016

Trans of the Philol Soc

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Romance clitic pronouns appear to the left of the verb in I and to the right of the verb in C. This alternation correlates with: (a) allomorphy, specifically l-vs. zero; (b) stress shifts; and (c) reordering of the clitic string. The alternations in (a)-(c) are also observed between non-negative and negative contexts. The key points of our analysis are: (i) the l-segment is associated with definite content; (ii) interpretively, pronouns scope out of modal/non-veridical operators; (iii) syntactically, the exponent for modality/nonveridicality may have the pronoun in its domain; (iv) externalization of the l-segment is found when semantic scope (ii) and syntactic configuration (iii) are mismatched. Therefore allomorphies (including stress), far from being morphophonological quirks, contribute to the externalization of syntactico-semantic notions of non-veridicality. In dealing with clitic (re)ordering we propose a model based on the dissociation between Merge and linear order. Phrasal constituents are ordered to the right of the verb in Romance; clitics mirror them in that they are ordered to the left, while keeping the Merge relations constant.

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“…shown by Gruber (2013) and Bliss and Gruber (2015), their distribution is governed by the presence or absence of temporal deixis. To see this, let us consider the inalienable vs alienable possession contrast.…”

Section: Person Is More Than φmentioning

confidence: 90%

The features of binding and person licensing

Raynaud¹

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Contents 10 Conclusions 383References 389My first thank you goes to Hedde Zeijlstra and Sandhya Sundaresan, whose guidance and support during this thesis made it possible. You both generously and humanly shared your knowledge but also your life skills in the world of academia, and I feel privileged to have had not one, but two very committed supervisors.To Hedde, thank you for your neverending patience and your kindness. You backed me up in every project (and not just by funding all my trips!) and made every opportunity seem accessible. Thank you for creating for many of us a supporting and stimulating work environment in Göttingen.To Sandhya, thank you for caring so much about our work and challenging me to do better, with a fierce attention to detail. I will be eternally grateful for allowing me to go to India on my first fieldwork, it was an incredible experience. A special thanks to Champa and Sundaresan, who made me feel so welcome in their home.To Jegan Murugesan, thank you for your patient and wise companionship during the project, and for always reminding me, when I was freaking out, that this was just a talk, just a meeting, just a thesis. Needless to say, the content of this thesis owes a lot to our project meetings discussions and to our joint discoveries about the AAE.

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Temporal restrictions on personal pronouns: The composition of Blackfoot proclitics

Cited by 7 publications

References 30 publications

Temporal and atemporal uses of ‘you’: indexical and generic second person pronouns in English, German, and Dutch

Temporal and atemporal uses of ‘you’: indexical and generic second person pronouns in English, German, and Dutch

Enclisis/Proclisis Alternations in Romance: Allomorphies and (Re)Ordering

The features of binding and person licensing

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