Temporal Changes and Urban Differences in Residential Segregation: A Reconsideration

Lieberson, Stanley; Carter, Donna K.

doi:10.1086/227672

Cited by 95 publications

(49 citation statements)

References 10 publications

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“…In contrast, this study develops and applies disaggregated versions of two additional measures of segregation -the exposure measure, computed for black exposure to whites, and the exposure-based segregation index. The exposure (or P*) measure, first proposed by Bell (1954) and reintroduced by Zoloth (1976) and Lieberson & Carter (1982), has been widely used in recent years (Massey & Denton 1989;McKinney 1989;McKinney & Schnare 1989;Farley 1984Farley , 1988. As pointed out many times in the literature, the exposure measure captures a dimension of segregation not measured by the dissimilarity index -that is, the degree to which a particular group is residentially exposed to (or isolated from) another.…”

Section: Disaggregated Measures Of Segregationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Residential segregation of blacks by income group: Evidence from Oakland

Hansen

1996

Popul Res Policy Rev

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This paper presents evidence on variation in segregation levels experienced by economic subgroups of blacks in Oakland, California and its surrounding county. The central finding is that in this area, one of the most racially integrated in the USA, higher-income blacks exhibit a substantially higher level of integration with whites than do lower-income blacks. In addition, higher income blacks made more progress toward integration in the 1970s. In the 1980s, however, inequality among blacks declined somewhat as lower middle-income blacks experienced the greatest gains in integration. By 1990, very-high income blacks in Oakland had achieved full integration with whites. While important from a descriptive standpoint, results of this study do not constitute evidence that increased black incomes would eliminate residential segregation. The continued significance of race, even for high-income blacks, is underscored by the finding that their exposure to whites is significantly lower than expected, given the disproportionate presence of whites among high-income households.

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Section: Disaggregated Measures Of Segregationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Residential segregation of blacks by income group: Evidence from Oakland

Hansen

1996

Popul Res Policy Rev

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“…For technical reasons, real-world distributions of blacks and whites rarely if ever register values of exactly zero; they only approximate them. There are several extensions of these indices, and alternatives have been proposed by Jakubs (1981) and by Lieberson and Carter (1982). The dissimilarity index in particular has been criticized by Winship (1978) and Zelder (1977), but both indices are used widely, give us comparative benchmarks, have clear interpretations, and therefore will be utilized in this paper as general measures of the degree of segregation.…”

Section: Urban Differences and Temporal Changes In Residential Segregmentioning

confidence: 99%

Residential segregation in American cities: a review and interpretation

Clark

1986

Popul Res Policy Rev

276

146

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Significant levels of separation between blacks and whites still exist in large American cities, and debate about the causes of that residential separation has been considerable. A balanced analysis of the factors that might explain residential segregation -economic status (affordability), social preferences, urban structure, and discrimination -suggests that no one factor can account for the patterns that have arisen in U.S. metropolitan areas. Empirical estimation of the impact of economic status suggests that 30-70 percent of racial separation is attributable to economic factors. However, economic factors do not act alone, but in association with preferences. Together with elements of the urban structure, these factors bear much of the explanatory weight for present residential patterns. Survey evidence from both national and local studies shows that black households prefer neighborhoods that are half black and half white, while whites prefer neighborhoods ranging from 0 to 30 percent black.The debate about causes seems most polarized over the role of discrimination. Although comments in the literature often focus on the past use of racially restrictive covenants by stateregulated agencies and discriminatory acts by realtors and financial institutions, the documented individual cases of discrimination do not appear to be part of a massive collusion to deny housing opportunities to minorities. A review of the evidence from social science investigations demonstrates that there are multiple causes of racial residential separation in U.S. metropolitan areas.

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“…The most widely used measure of the exposure dimension of segregation is the P * index proposed by Lieberson (1981). The index describes a group's potential interaction with another group in a manner that accounts for both the spatial dissimilarity and the relative sizes of the groups in the region (Lieberson and Carter 1982). Because P * is sensitive to the relative size of subgroups, it should be interpreted relative to the size of the relevant group in the total population in order to avoid misleading conclusions (Cutler et al 1999;Peach 2009).…”

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confidence: 99%

Factors Shaping Workplace Segregation Between Natives and Immigrants

et al. 2014

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This is the published version of a paper published in Demography. Citation for the original published paper (version of record):Strömgren, M., Tammaru, T., Danzer, A., van Ham, M., Marcińczak, S. et al. (2014) Factors shaping workplace segregation between natives and immigrants. Abstract Research on segregation of immigrant groups is increasingly turning its attention from residential areas toward other important places, such as the workplace, where immigrants can meet and interact with members of the native population. This article examines workplace segregation of immigrants. We use longitudinal, georeferenced Swedish population register data, which enables us to observe all Demography (2014) We compare estimates from ordinary least squares with fixed-effects regressions to quantify the extent of immigrants' self-selection into specific workplaces, neighborhoods, and partnerships, which may bias more naïve ordinary least squares results. In line with previous research, we find lower levels of workplace segregation than residential segregation. The main finding is that low levels of residential segregation reduce workplace segregation, even after we take into account intermarriage with natives as well as unobserved characteristics of immigrants' such as willingness and ability to integrate into the host society. Being intermarried with a native reduces workplace segregation for immigrant men but not for immigrant women.

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Temporal Changes and Urban Differences in Residential Segregation: A Reconsideration

Cited by 95 publications

References 10 publications

Residential segregation of blacks by income group: Evidence from Oakland

Residential segregation of blacks by income group: Evidence from Oakland

Residential segregation in American cities: a review and interpretation

Factors Shaping Workplace Segregation Between Natives and Immigrants

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