Taking networks seriously: Education policy in Britain

Raab, Charles D.

doi:10.1111/j.1475-6765.1992.tb00289.x

Cited by 28 publications

(5 citation statements)

References 19 publications

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“…Nevertheless, its lack of cultural purpose is shared, in some form, by higher education everywhere in Europe: in Peter Scott's words, it contributes little to the debate about 'the character and quality of our culture' 1 . Maybe this is a symptom of a fundamental democratization -a sign that the tradition of the democratic intellect has truly helped to create a learning society in which academics are no longer venerated as cultural leaders 87 . That would be the optimistic interpretation.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Scottish higher education and the Scottish parliament: the consequences of mistaken national identity

Paterson¹

1998

European Review

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The creation of a Scottish parliament in 1999 will crystallize a cultural crisis for Scottish higher education. Scottish universities retained their autonomy after the 18th-century union between Scotland and England because the union was about high politics rather than the affairs of civil society and culture. Unlike in England, the universities developed in close relationship with Scottish agencies of the state during the 19th century, and these agencies also built up a system of non-university higher education colleges. In the 20th century, the universities (and later some of the colleges) sought to detach themselves from Scottish culture and politics, favouring instead a common British academic network. So the new constitutional settlement faces Scottish higher education institutions with an enforced allegiance to the Scottish nation that will sharply disrupt their 80-year interlude as outposts of the British polity.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Scottish higher education and the Scottish parliament: the consequences of mistaken national identity

Paterson¹

1998

European Review

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“…Rhodes (2008: 426) states that 'Policy networks are sets of formal institutional and informal linkages between governmental and other actors structured around shared if endlessly negotiated beliefs and interests in public policy making and implementation'. The importance of such networks in Scottish education was recognised by Raab (1992) in the predevolution period and, more recently, by Cairney (2013).…”

Section: Offered This Observationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Re-Shaping the Policy Landscape in Scottish Education, 2016-20: The Limitations of Structural Reform

2020

SER

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This paper examines the establishment and operation of a number of new bodies – variously called councils, boards, collaboratives, groups, forums and panels – concerned with the development of Scottish education. What were the intentions behind their creation during the period 2016-20? Do they amount to a significant reshaping of the policy community, making it more open and democratic, and representing a genuine re-distribution of power, or are they more concerned with public presentation and political positioning? The paper is based mainly, but not exclusively, on publicly available minutes and related papers produced by the various bodies. These allow for an analysis of their composition and remits, as well as an examination of the substantive issues they have considered. The discussion also takes account of earlier descriptions of the character of the policy community, as well as hopes that the creation of the Scottish Parliament in 1999 would lead to greater transparency and accountability in political decision-making. It is argued that, while the new bodies provide opportunities for some previously marginalised voices to be heard, they demonstrate the continuing potency of familiar forms of bureaucratic management and professional protectionism. The paper also indicates a number of areas where further research would deepen understanding of the politics of Scottish education.

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“…The most famous example is the account by McPherson and Raab (1988), and also Raab's own further development of the ideas of networks (Raab, 1992). These studies do seem to demonstrate the wisdom of the Constitutional Convention's acknowledgement that policy making is plural, and that good policy has to involve partners.…”

Section: What Educational Research Has Been Good Atmentioning

confidence: 99%

Educational Research and Scottish Democracy (The 1998 Sera Lecture)

Paterson¹

1998

SER

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Scottish educational research has a great deal to contribute to the evolution of Scottish democracy after the Scottish parliament is elected in May 1999. Educational research has relevant strengths in its empirical base, in its work on policy implementation, in its study of policy pluralism and networks, in its understanding of the social conservatism of influential aspects of Scottish culture, and in its impact on popular views about education. On the other hand, there has been remarkably little research on the popular politics of Scottish education. We know little of why education was one of the two or three most significant reasons why the 1997 referendum so clearly endorsed a Scottish parliament. And we have little research-based analysis of the nature of education’s past or prospective contribution to Scottish democracy. To take full advantage of the opportunities, Scottish educational researchers will have to develop a much fuller engagement than hitherto with politics and political culture.

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Taking networks seriously: Education policy in Britain

Cited by 28 publications

References 19 publications

Scottish higher education and the Scottish parliament: the consequences of mistaken national identity

Scottish higher education and the Scottish parliament: the consequences of mistaken national identity

Re-Shaping the Policy Landscape in Scottish Education, 2016-20: The Limitations of Structural Reform

Educational Research and Scottish Democracy (The 1998 Sera Lecture)

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