Tactical Web Use in Bumpy Times—A Comparison of Conservative Parties’ Digital Presence

Borucki, Isabelle; Fitzpatrick, Jasmin

doi:10.1007/978-3-030-78668-7_13

Cited by 7 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 35 publications

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“…Franklin-Fowler et al (2021) echo this using data on all US state-wide and federal races in 2018, finding that TV ads are longer, broader, and more negative, than social media ads. Separate studies on the US (Barberá et al, 2019; Endres and Kelly, 2018; Franklin-Fowler et al, 2021; Kang et al, 2018; Rathje et al, 2021), Australia (Ennser-Jedenastik et al, 2021), and the UK and Germany (Aldrich et al, 2016; Borucki and Fitzpatrick, 2021) have all returned similar findings. Parties adjust their communication strategies, talking about different issues and framing them differently depending on whether the likely audience is members or non-members (Benford and Snow, 2000; Franklin-Fowler et al, 2021; Kang et al, 2018).…”

Section: Conceptualizing Political Attention As a Totc: Players Choic...mentioning

confidence: 82%

“…This classification is also justified by recent work on political organizations, in particular, by work on political and advocacy groups—that is, interest groups and social movements (Farrer, 2017; Fraussen and Halpin, 2018). Recent research theorizes political parties as concentric circles of activists (Borucki and Fitzpatrick, 2021; Ennser-Jedenastik et al, 2021; Hooghe and Kölln, 2020; Magalhães et al, 2020; Scarrow, 2015; Van Haute and Gauja, 2015). The most loyal partisans are at the center, with fair-weather supporters on the periphery.…”

Section: Conceptualizing Political Attention As a Totc: Players Choic...mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Political Communication as a Tragedy of the Commons

Farrer

2022

Political Studies

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In this article, we argue that many contemporary challenges to democracy can be traced back to how political organizations compete for attention. We begin with the idea that these organizations appeal for attention both by mobilizing their own members, and also through media that reaches a wider audience, such as social media and mass media. But since many organizations are competing for the limited attention of this wider audience, they all have an incentive to send “too many” and “too sensational” messages. This overwhelms the audience and leads to polarization and populism. Our article describes the conditions necessary for this “tragedy of the commons” to occur and also reviews empirical evidence demonstrating that these conditions are met. We find that social media is not a necessary condition for the model, but does accelerate it. We conclude that Elinor Ostrom’s theories of the commons are important for understanding political communication.

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Section: Conceptualizing Political Attention As a Totc: Players Choic...mentioning

confidence: 82%

Section: Conceptualizing Political Attention As a Totc: Players Choic...mentioning

confidence: 99%

Political Communication as a Tragedy of the Commons

Farrer

2022

Political Studies

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“…refers to the parties' reaction to the inputs from their members and supporters. Nonetheless, as Borucki and Fitzpatrick (2021) have shown, processes of organizational digitalization do not always improve political parties' transparency, neither are parties often very responsive toward party supporters and members in the digital sphere on their social media fan pages. On the other hand, as Vittori (2020a) suggests, digital party platforms have tried to expand direct democracy in parties' internal decision-making but with low participation results, indicating that a constant political mobilization is needed in any case.…”

Section: (Digital) Parties As Key Actors For Fostering Open Governmentmentioning

confidence: 99%

From open government to open parties in Europe. A framework for analysis

Villaplana,

Megías,

Sandri

2023

Front. Polit. Sci.

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Open government (OG) is an increasingly used management model among the public administrations of European countries and of the European Union, which is currently working on The Path to the Digital Decade. This supposes the application of measures to promote proximity and citizenship's prominence in many public policies, leading to improved quality of democracy. Furthermore, the COVID-19 pandemic has contributed to a forced digitalization of many public services. Despite the fact that studies on OG do not usually focus on them, political parties are essential actors for the success or failure of OG measures, both from a bottom-up and a top-down perspective, on public administration transformation. Moreover, political parties are transforming themselves into more open organizations at the same time. We define open parties as political parties with high standards in transparency, participation, and collaboration. They also feature high degrees of organizational digitalization. This article proposes a framework for analyzing political parties' openness and explores available empirical data on different aspects related to OG in the European context. We have found that most parties possess a good level of local organizational strength but still need to reach better levels of anticorruption commitment, to form stronger ties with affiliated organizations, and especially to improve the participation of members and activists in their decision-making. Furthermore, elitism, clientelism, and populistic rhetoric represent significant obstacles that could hinder the party reform process.

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E-Campaigning/Social media in Deutschland

Fitzpatrick¹

2023

Handbuch Digitalisierung Und Politische Beteiligung

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Tactical Web Use in Bumpy Times—A Comparison of Conservative Parties’ Digital Presence

Cited by 7 publications

References 35 publications

Political Communication as a Tragedy of the Commons

Political Communication as a Tragedy of the Commons

From open government to open parties in Europe. A framework for analysis

E-Campaigning/Social media in Deutschland

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