2019
DOI: 10.1075/la.251.14gua
|View full text |Cite
|
Sign up to set email alerts
|

Syntactic variation across Greek dialects

Help me understand this report

Search citation statements

Order By: Relevance

Paper Sections

Select...
1
1
1

Citation Types

0
6
0

Year Published

2019
2019
2022
2022

Publication Types

Select...
4
1
1

Relationship

2
4

Authors

Journals

citations
Cited by 6 publications
(6 citation statements)
references
References 23 publications
0
6
0
Order By: Relevance
“…The order to kalo to pedi (14) has been described as a consequence of a fronting movement of the complex [art+AP] to the left of D-either to SpecDP or to the specifier of a dedicated projection above DP (Horrocks & Stavrou 1987, Stavrou & Horrocks 1989, Campos & Stavrou 2004, Guardiano & Stavrou 2014, Guardiano & Michelioudakis 2019. This movement is triggered by the feature [+contrast] (or [+focus], or both) with which the articulated adjective is endowed.…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%
See 1 more Smart Citation
“…The order to kalo to pedi (14) has been described as a consequence of a fronting movement of the complex [art+AP] to the left of D-either to SpecDP or to the specifier of a dedicated projection above DP (Horrocks & Stavrou 1987, Stavrou & Horrocks 1989, Campos & Stavrou 2004, Guardiano & Stavrou 2014, Guardiano & Michelioudakis 2019. This movement is triggered by the feature [+contrast] (or [+focus], or both) with which the articulated adjective is endowed.…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Here we do not want to get into such details, which do not affect the main point of analysis. For an analysis of the position of demonstratives in the nominal phrase in Greek and their relation to PredP see also Guardiano & Michelioudakis (2019).…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In Greek, the [Art A] cluster can be fronted DP-initially (usually generating informationally marked DPs), thus giving rise to [Art A Art N] sequences; similarly, Dem can be fronted from the postnominal position, generating [Dem Art N] sequences, which are often associated to deictic interpretation (Manolessou and Panagiotidis 1999). Additionally, in some non-standard Greek dialects, it is often the case that, under certain phonological conditions (Guardiano and Michelioudakis 2019), the (fronted) demonstrative and the definite article are fused into a single item. In Italiot Greek, this process was generalized, to the point that the demonstrative and the article, when fused, were no more perceived as two separate elements, and [Dem-art N] sequences were reanalysed as [Dem N].…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Stavrou (2012Stavrou ( , 2013, Guardiano and Stavrou (2014, 2019a, 2019b. Horrocks and Stavrou (1987); Stavrou and Horrocks (1989); Guardiano (2012Guardiano ( , 2014b; Guardiano and Michelioudakis (2019); . Guardiano (2011); Guardiano and Longobardi (2018); ; .…”
Section: Acknowledgmentsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…With the exception of explorations of the DP-internal syntax of indexical elements (see, among others, Guardiano and Stavrou 2021;Guardiano and Michelioudakis 2019), the behaviour of indexicality itself in contact, that is: how many deictic contrasts are attested within a given demonstrative system and whether these undergo a change in contact, has not been the object of systematic investigation to date. Nonetheless, the general understanding is that the encoding of indexicality in various contact settings is remarkably stable (see, a.o., Heine and Kuteva 2005;Friedman 2006;Matras 2009;Polinsky 2018), supporting the latter view.…”
Section: Theoretical Backgroundmentioning
confidence: 99%