Switzerland: the referendum and initiative as a centrepiece of the political system

Trechsel, Alexander H.; Kriesi, Hanspeter

doi:10.1007/978-1-349-24796-7_12

Cited by 32 publications

(30 citation statements)

References 5 publications

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“…While generally voters followed party instructions, a significant number of voters defected from the party line ("Dopitvaneto ha granitsata na 20-te protsenta s rezultat 60:40 v polza na AETS", 27 January 2013). This is consistent with the broader comparative empirical evidence, which shows that many voters do not adhere to the party line (Pierce, Valen, and Listhaug 1983;Siune and Svensson 1993;Kobach 1994;Magleby 1994;Trechsel and Kriesi 1996;Midtbo and Hines 1998;De Vreese 2006;Hobolt 2006Hobolt , 2009 and that issue positions are an important determinant of vote choice in referendums (Hobolt 2009, 75-79). If vote choice is mostly determined by issue positions, and parties exert lower pressure on the media, direct democracy exercises such as referendums have even greater merit in a country undergoing a political crisis such as Bulgaria.…”

Section: Resultssupporting

confidence: 88%

The Bulgarian “Nuclear Referendum” of 2013 and the independence of the Bulgarian media

Bagashka

2014

East European Politics

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This article analyses the media coverage of the 2013 Bulgarian "nuclear" referendum. We investigate the balance between Yes and No arguments on the construction of the Belene nuclear power plant, nuclear energy in general, and conducting a referendum on the nuclear issue. We also examine the quality of the reasons given and the frequency of government and ruling party sources. We find that the newspapers under examination voiced a diversity of viewpoints and sources. In light of recent assessments of the Bulgarian media, bias in media coverage of the referendum was not significant.

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Section: Resultssupporting

confidence: 88%

The Bulgarian “Nuclear Referendum” of 2013 and the independence of the Bulgarian media

Bagashka

2014

East European Politics

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“…36 We have constructed a dummy variable where 1 is the code for voters who chose among a battery of six items the ecological item as first priority ('priority of the society is … to protect the environment against pollution and catastrophes'). 37 This result is in line with earlier findings in this field (Trechsel and Kriesi, 1996): studies based on survey (Kriesi, 1994;Trechsel and Sciarini, 1998) or aggregate (Hug, 1994b) data show that the impact of party recommendations on the electoral behaviour at referendums is rather limited. The main reason for this is the high fragmentation and the structural weakness of the Swiss party system; dependent on economic groups for the financing of referendum campaigns, the political parties usually have a low profile in this phase of the political process.…”

Section: Cleavages and The European Votes: An Analysis Of Survey Datasupporting

confidence: 94%

Single Cases or a Unique Pair? The Swiss and Norwegian ‘No’ to Europe

Sciarini

Listhaug

1997

J of Common Market Studies

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This article compares the Swiss and Norwegian European policies. It combines an analysis of the sectoral interests among the elite, based on a qualification of Katzenstein's small-state/flexible adjustment thesis, and an analysis of the referendum behaviour, based on survey data. At the first level, it shows that the structure of each state's economic dependence on the European Union (EU), on the one hand, and the threat of liberalization among domestic sectors of the economy, on the other, were more decisive than the 'liberal' or 'social' pattern of adaptation to international changes in shaping Swiss and Norwegian elite's attitude towards European integration. At the second level, it suggests that, if taking part in the EU project -be it through full membership or through membership in the European Economic Area -is not perceived as an economic necessity, cultural and political factors can have a more decisive impact than economic factors on the voters' decision.

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“…10. This percentage is only slightly higher if one considers the situation since the creation of the optional referendum in 1874: 6.9 percent in average (Trechsel & Kriesi 1996). 11.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 96%

“…In that sense, the increase in the number of optional referendums launched could be considered a pure consequence of the intensification of legislative production and thus of the growing opportunities to make use of the direct democratic institution. More substantially; one reason for the intensified use of direct democratic institutions certainly has to do with the general complexification of modern politics (Trechsel & Kriesi 1996). It is no secret that the political, social and economic environment profoundly changed during the second part of this century: New issues, such as the protection of environment, the globalisation of economy, trade, and financial markets, new forms of energy, and increased individual mobility are just a few examples that illustrate the growing complexity of modern politics.…”

Section: Analysis Based On Aggregate Datamentioning

confidence: 99%

Direct democracy in switzerland: do elites matter?

Trechsel

Sciarini

1998

European J Political Res

Self Cite

115

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Direct democratic institutions, while centrepieces of the Swiss political system, find themselves under attack. In this article, we challenge the widespread criticism that popular rights increasingly limit the political elite's control of the decision-making process. Our analysis is based on aggregate data of all acts voted on by the Swiss Parliament since 1947 -those brought about by popular initiatives or those subject to optional and mandatory referendumand on individual survey data on most federal votes held since 1981. We underline the high support of government and the impact of elite consensus on the destiny of legislative acts in the plebiscitary phase (submitted to a vote or not, subsequently accepted or not). While congruent with the aggregate analysis, results obtained at the individual level are less clear-cut. The influence of voting recommendations and information channels on the voter's decision appears rather weak.

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Switzerland: the referendum and initiative as a centrepiece of the political system

Cited by 32 publications

References 5 publications

The Bulgarian “Nuclear Referendum” of 2013 and the independence of the Bulgarian media

The Bulgarian “Nuclear Referendum” of 2013 and the independence of the Bulgarian media

Single Cases or a Unique Pair? The Swiss and Norwegian ‘No’ to Europe

Direct democracy in switzerland: do elites matter?

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