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How do we mentally represent the world out there? Psychology, philosophy and neuroscience have given two classical answers: as a living space where we act and perceive, dependent on our bodies; as an enduring physical space with its feature, independent of our bodily interactions. The first would be based on egocentric frames of reference anchored to the body, while the second on allocentric frames of reference centred on the environment itself or on objects. This raises some questions concerning how deep the reliance on the body and the environment is when using these reference frames, and whether they are affected differently by the duration of time and the scale (small or large) of space. To answer these questions, I have brought empirical evidence of the effect of motor interference, blindness, environmental characteristics and temporal factors on egocentric and allocentric spatial representational capacity. The results suggest that egocentric representations are deeply rooted in the body, with its sensory and motor properties, and are closely linked to acting now in small-scale or peripersonal space. Allocentric representations are more influenced by environmental than by bodily characteristics, by visual than by motor properties, and seem particularly related to large-scale or extrapersonal space. In line with neurophysiological evidence and a Kantian perspective, it appears that we are endowed with an internal spatial representation system ready to structure environmental information for our purposes. To what extent this system is innate and pervasive in cognition and what is its relationship to the neural 'positioning' substrate discovered by O'Keefe and colleagues requires further scientific investigation.
How do we mentally represent the world out there? Psychology, philosophy and neuroscience have given two classical answers: as a living space where we act and perceive, dependent on our bodies; as an enduring physical space with its feature, independent of our bodily interactions. The first would be based on egocentric frames of reference anchored to the body, while the second on allocentric frames of reference centred on the environment itself or on objects. This raises some questions concerning how deep the reliance on the body and the environment is when using these reference frames, and whether they are affected differently by the duration of time and the scale (small or large) of space. To answer these questions, I have brought empirical evidence of the effect of motor interference, blindness, environmental characteristics and temporal factors on egocentric and allocentric spatial representational capacity. The results suggest that egocentric representations are deeply rooted in the body, with its sensory and motor properties, and are closely linked to acting now in small-scale or peripersonal space. Allocentric representations are more influenced by environmental than by bodily characteristics, by visual than by motor properties, and seem particularly related to large-scale or extrapersonal space. In line with neurophysiological evidence and a Kantian perspective, it appears that we are endowed with an internal spatial representation system ready to structure environmental information for our purposes. To what extent this system is innate and pervasive in cognition and what is its relationship to the neural 'positioning' substrate discovered by O'Keefe and colleagues requires further scientific investigation.
Human beings represent spatial information according to egocentric (body-to-object) and allocentric (object-to-object) frames of reference. In everyday life, we constantly switch from one frame of reference to another in order to react effectively to the specific needs of the environment and task demands. However, to the best of our knowledge, no study to date has investigated the cortical activity of switching and non-switching processes between egocentric and allocentric spatial encodings. To this aim, a custom-designed visuo-spatial memory task was administered and the cortical activities underlying switching vs non-switching spatial processes were investigated. Changes in concentrations of oxygenated and deoxygenated haemoglobin were measured using functional near-infrared spectroscopy (fNIRS). Participants were asked to memorize triads of geometric objects and then make two consecutive judgments about the same triad. In the non-switching condition, both spatial judgments considered the same frame of reference: only egocentric or only allocentric. In the switching condition, if the first judgment was egocentric, the second one was allocentric (or vice versa). The results showed a generalized activation of the frontal regions during the switching compared to the non-switching condition. Additionally, increased cortical activity was found in the temporo-parietal junction during the switching condition compared to the non-switching condition. Overall, these results illustrate the cortical activity underlying the processing of switching between body position and environmental stimuli, showing an important role of the temporo-parietal junction and frontal regions in the preparation and switching between egocentric and allocentric reference frames.
Several studies have shown that spatial information is encoded using two types of reference systems: egocentric (body-based) and/or allocentric (environment-based). However, most studies have been conducted in static situations, neglecting the fact that when we explore the environment, the objects closest to us are also those we encounter first, while those we encounter later are usually those closest to other environmental objects/elements. In this study, participants were shown with two stimuli on a computer screen, each depicting a different geometric object, placed at different distances from them and an external reference (i.e., a bar). The crucial manipulation was that the stimuli were shown sequentially. After participants had memorized the position of both stimuli, they had to indicate which object appeared closest to them (egocentric judgment) or which object appeared closest to the bar (allocentric judgment). The results showed that egocentric judgements were facilitated when the object closest to them was presented first, whereas allocentric judgements were facilitated when the object closest to the bar was presented second. These results show that temporal order has a different effect on egocentric and allocentric frames of reference, presumably rooted in the embodied way in which individuals dynamically explore the environment.
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