Sweden: The Difficult Adaptation of the Moderates to the Silent Counter-Revolution

Jupskås, Anders Ravik

doi:10.1017/9781009006866.011

Cited by 3 publications

(2 citation statements)

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“…This party thus represents a clear example of how, in the electoral arena, stigmatisation is not a permanent condition, but rather is ‘a spectrum across which parties can move depending […] on how dangerous and/or illegitimate they are seen’ (Moffitt, 2022, p. 391). In this sense, the SD represents a typical case of a PRR party, since it has passed from being a force on the fringe of its country's politics to gaining more prominence in the public debate in tandem with the increasing salience of immigration (Jupskås, 2021; Rydgren & van der Meiden, 2018).…”

Section: Case Selection Methods and Datamentioning

confidence: 99%

“…However, already in 2014 the SD acquired de facto ‘absolute blackmail potential’, meaning that since then it has become difficult to ignore it when assembling a parliamentary majority (Jungar, 2016, p. 209). Since 2021, moreover, the mainstream right front has been expressing greater openness to some kind of cooperation with the SD (Jupskås, 2021, p. 268). This party thus represents a clear example of how, in the electoral arena, stigmatisation is not a permanent condition, but rather is ‘a spectrum across which parties can move depending […] on how dangerous and/or illegitimate they are seen’ (Moffitt, 2022, p. 391).…”

Section: Case Selection Methods and Datamentioning

confidence: 99%

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It depends on personal networks: Feelings of stigmatisation among populist radical right party members

Ammassari

2022

European J Political Res

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Stigmatisation has been recognised as a major factor influencing the fortunes of populist radical right (PRR) parties. While scholars have examined it by taking parties as units of analysis, this study focuses on the individual level by asking Which PRR party members are more likely to feel stigmatised? After offering a novel theoretical explanation for feelings of stigmatisation based on the personal networks in which PRR grassroots members are embedded, it then investigates stigma using an original membership survey of about 7,000 members of the Sweden Democrats (SD) and interviews with 30 of them. The survey results show that the higher the educational qualification PRR grassroots members have achieved, the more likely they will feel stigmatised. In addition, those who have never had any relatives and/or friends in the SD, and those who are employed in the public sector, are more likely to consider membership discrediting. The interview data shed light on the survey results, by illustrating how public employees and university students find it hard to be open about their membership as they are surrounded by people with left-wing views. By contrast, having relatives and/or friends who are members of the party reduces the stigma of joining PRR parties, becoming active in them, and talking about politics in public. Along with countering some of the prevailing wisdom about stigmatisation in PRR parties, the findings contribute to our understanding of PRR grassroots membership, which has long been an overlooked topic in the literature.

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Section: Case Selection Methods and Datamentioning

confidence: 99%