Sustainable energy transformations in an age of populism, post-truth politics, and local resistance

Fraune, Cornelia; Knodt, Michèle

doi:10.1016/j.erss.2018.05.029

Cited by 145 publications

(83 citation statements)

References 40 publications

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“…Fraune and Knodt (), Batel and Devine‐Wright (), and Lockwood () have pointed particularly to policy—though this is an area in which rather little is known. For example, Lockwood (, p. 713), besides his general comment on the potential influence of far‐right parties on climate change policy, noted the influence of the Danish People's Party on legislation.…”

Section: What We Knowmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…In line with this, climate change might be doubted and climate‐change policies rejected because activities combating climate change are linked to “cosmopolitanism,” “globalism,” a “liberal world government” and a loss of sovereignty—all themes strongly opposed by the far right. Recently, Fraune and Knodt (), in general terms, pointed to this in relation to “right‐wing populism” and sustainable energy transformation in the face of climate change. Similarly, and providing reflection in light of Brexit, Batel and Devine‐Wright (, p. 42) spoke of a “right‐wing populist post‐truth logic” according to which scientific evidence is neglected in the defense of the people.…”

Section: What We Knowmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Reviewing party statements by center-right political parties on climate change and renewable energy in six European countries, and comparing them with far-right parties, Hess and Renner (2019) find that rejection of climate science by the far right is common (as in the case of the Alternative for Germany, Party for Freedom and the United Kingdom Independence Party), though the Spanish Vox did not do so and the French National Front displayed an ambivalent stance. Fraune and Knodt (2018), Batel and Devine-Wright (2018), and Lockwood (2018) have pointed particularly to policythough this is an area in which rather little is known. For example, Lockwood (2018, p. 713), besides his general comment on the potential influence of far-right parties on climate change policy, noted the influence of the Danish People's Party on legislation.…”

Section: What We Knowmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Climate change and the far right

Forchtner

2019

WIREs Climate Change

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In recent years two crises have populated the imagination of publics: environmental crises, ranging from, for example, water and air pollution to climate change, and the crisis of liberal democracy, illustrated by the rise of far‐right actors across Europe, the United States and beyond. While these environmental and political crises have been analyzed on their own, little research has been done on their nexus. Against this background, this focus article reviews existing academic literature on far‐right climate‐change communication by European party and nonparty actors, that is, climate‐change communication from a distinctively ethno‐nationalist and authoritarian perspective. The far right is not a homogenous entity but best viewed as a continuum, ranging from radical‐right, anti‐liberal democracy actors to extreme‐right, anti‐democracy ones. This contribution to WIREs Climate Change argues that many, though not all, far‐right party and nonparty actors are skeptical towards (anthropogenic) climate change and/or responses to it, at least in comparison to the European mainstream. The article does so by reviewing existing research before formulating areas for further research. This article is categorized under: Social Status of Climate Change Knowledge > Climate Science and Social Movements

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Section: What We Knowmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: What We Knowmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: What We Knowmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Climate change and the far right

Forchtner

2019

WIREs Climate Change

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“…In addition, it can be argued that there has been a turn towards right-wing populism and post-truth politics, which have been employed to framed extreme debates and rising political polarisation on Brexit but also other areas of public policy such as climate and energy policies (Fraune & Knodt, 2018). Populist discourses see climate-change-related policies such as the low-carbon transformation of national energy systems as legitimate only if they benefit the nation and some core groups directly or even exclusively (Rydgren, 2007).…”

Section: Changes In the Uk's Energy Policy Landscape Since 2010mentioning

confidence: 99%

Revisiting urban energy initiatives in the UK: Declining local capacity in a shifting policy context

Rydin

Turcu

2019

Energy Policy

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“…However, a moderately strong bivariate relationship between cosmopolitanism and NDC ambition suggests that the effects of this value are worth investigating further in future research. This variable is of great political interest, because it measures a defining feature of right-wing populism, which extant research has shown to indicate increasing political polarization on climate politics (Fraune and Knodt 2018). It would be interesting to explore and explain the relationship between cosmopolitanism and support for climate policies, using individual-level data.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The domestic politics of international climate commitments: which factors explain cross-country variation in NDC ambition?

Tørstad

Sælen

Bøyum

2020

Environ. Res. Lett.

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Under the Paris Agreement, parties self-determine their mitigation ambition level by submitting Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs). Extant assessments find that the collective ambition of current pledges is not line with the Agreement's goals and that individual ambition varies greatly across countries, but there have not been attempts at explaining this variation. This paper identifies several potential drivers of national climate ambition, and tests whether these can account for differences in the ambition level of countries' mitigation targets under the Paris Agreement. After outlining theorized relationships between a set of domestic political characteristics and climate policy ambition, regression analysis is used to assess the effects of different potential drivers across a dataset of 170 countries. We find that a country's level of democracy and vulnerability to climate change have positive effects on NDC ambition, while coal rent and GDP have negative effects. Our findings suggest that these objective factors are more important than subjective factors, while the most influential subjective factor is the cosmopolitanism-nativism value dimension.

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Sustainable energy transformations in an age of populism, post-truth politics, and local resistance

Cited by 145 publications

References 40 publications

Climate change and the far right

Climate change and the far right

Revisiting urban energy initiatives in the UK: Declining local capacity in a shifting policy context

The domestic politics of international climate commitments: which factors explain cross-country variation in NDC ambition?

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