Meat, like all food, feeds not only our bodies but also our minds; it is more than just a meal, it is part of our way of life (Fiddes 1991, p. 6).CURIOUS, LF IMPUCIT, division of labour seems to have established itself A within sociology in regard to the study of food. On one side are rural sociologists who study the organization of agriculture and its variable local forms, and on the other, sociologists of food who locate themselves firmly within the sociology of consumption. The sociology of food, according to one leading text in the field, is about "eating, diet and culture" ('Mennell et al. 1992) and effectively defines economic, social, political and environmental aspects of food production as outside its scope. The sociology of agriculture in developed countries is largely understood as part of the sociology of work, organization and economic processes, and has very little to say about food consumption. An encounter with 'alternative' ways of thinking about food in society reveals that this division of labour leaves rural sociology with a very impoverished understanding of food, and as a result less able to address some critical changes occurring in contemporary rural areas of the developed world. Kloppenberg (1991) has argued that rural sociologists should be active agents in the construction of the alternative 'agricultural technoscience' which is an essential precondition, in his opinion, for the growth of a 'truly alternative agriculture.' This paper argues for a somewhat more humble role for rural sociology: that it learn from emergent alternative agricultural movements to reconstruct its own projects, most specifically in relation to the study of food.There are of course exceptions to the division of labour outlined above but they may only help to reinforce its general taken-for-grantedness. One such exception is Goodman and Redclift's (1991) Refashioning nature, which addresses