IntroductionBy the early 1990s disagreement over the causes and significance of gentrification had reached boiling point (for example, Hamnett, 1991;Smith, 1992). Helpful interjections from Clark (1992) and Lees (1994a) tried to reconcile theoretical divisions with the notion of complementarity, whereby``comparing and informing one set of ideas with another'', as Lees put it (1994a, page 139), would advance our understanding of the process. However, in a paper that has quickly become required reading for gentrification researchers, Wyly and Hammel (1999, page 718) observe that,``despite attempts to forge a new synthesis, much of the gentrification literature remains balkanised along lines of debate established a generation ago.'' Bondi was so troubled by the resilience of earlier debates (such as economics versus culture, property supply versus consumer demand, structural Marxism versus liberal humanism) that she pondered whether a disintegration of gentrification research``might actually be a sign of good health'' (1999, page 255).There are indeed signs that gentrification discourse is locked within the zeitgeist of the 1980s. Take, for example, a recent essay by Hamnett, published in a text intended as an academic guide to contemporary urban issues. After reviewing some recent work, his conclusion could have been written in the 1980s:`I am dubious of the extent to which the rent gap is a principal driver of this process. There is no doubt that property prices in potentially gentrifiable areas are relatively low and that this is, or was, one of the key attractions for gentrifiers, but it is not a sufficient explanation'' (2000, page 337).