Subnational competitive authoritarianism and power-sharing in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Kapidžić, Damir

doi:10.1080/14683857.2020.1700880

Cited by 27 publications

(15 citation statements)

References 25 publications

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“…As a result, the VMRO‐DPMNE was able to establish a control over the media (Grabbe, 2015), and the same could still be said for Dodik, while to a lesser extent for the SDA and HDZ BiH that dominate the second Bosnian entity (Kapidžić, 2020). In Serbia, major national TV stations and print media have become Vučić's party ‘mouthpiece, broadcasting propaganda destined to discredit an opposition deprived of a voice’ (Stojanović and Casal Bértoa, 2019).…”

Section: Tracing the Causal Mechanismsmentioning

confidence: 96%

Stateness and democratic backsliding in the former Yugoslavia: How political actors subvert democracy in the name of the nation

Milačić¹

2022

Nations and Nationalism

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With respect to the relationship between the state and democracy, the scholarly research thus far has mainly oscillated between two perspectives: 'no state, no democracy' versus 'no democracy, no state'. Using the example of former Yugoslav republics and based on Mill's method of difference that is complemented with process tracing, we offer an alternative approach. We posit that a democracy can emerge within the context of unresolved matters of state and nation but it is unlikely that it will flourish. Furthermore, we argue that stateness problem creates conditions that facilitate democratic backsliding even if a country achieves a considerable level of democratic development: a fertile ground for ethno-political entrepreneurship and national identity-based political divisions that promote polarization. Accordingly, besides facilitating democratization, a resolved stateness problem should be regarded as a condition that fosters democratic resilience as well. The article contributes to a better understanding of the relationship between the state and democracy and reveals the mechanisms that are behind a successful subversion of democracy in the name of the nation.

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Section: Tracing the Causal Mechanismsmentioning

confidence: 96%

Stateness and democratic backsliding in the former Yugoslavia: How political actors subvert democracy in the name of the nation

Milačić¹

2022

Nations and Nationalism

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“…These others included Jews, Roma, and individuals of mixed marriages (Halilovic-Pastuovic, 2020;Lippman, 2019;Norris, 2008;Tešan, 2017). Under such polarized circumstances, conflict transformation does not progress (Kapidžić, 2020;Maksić, 2017;Mujanović, 2018, Milan, 2019Piacentini, 2018).…”

Section: The Construction Of Identity In Bosnia and Herzegovinamentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Moreover, the political leaders of B&H's ethnoreligious political parties engaged in conflict entrepreneurship to maintain voter loyalty based upon the fanned fear of other ethnic groups (Belloni & Deane, 2005;Crocker, 2007;Maksić, 2017;Piacentini, 2018;Sarajlić, 2010;Tešan, 2017). Ethnic leaders also practiced patronage, corruption, and nepotism which stifled good democratic government (Kapidžić, 2020;Lippman, 2019;Mujanović, 2018;Mujkić & Hulsey 2010;Milan, 2019). Given the persistence of post-conflict interethnic tension in B&H, it seems additional mechanisms of resolution beyond political accords and constitutional requirements are necessary to facilitate conflict transformation and democratic transition.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Public Spaces and Conflict Transformation: From Mostar’s Old Bridge to Its United World College

Davison

Tešan

2021

J Ethn Cult Stud

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The purpose of this analysis is to offer a complementary approach to top-down ethnic conflict resolution which depends upon international organizations, peace treaties, laws, and political elites. While legal and institutional approaches can possess merit, they neglect the necessity of engaging people and rebuilding community. Further, citizens can perceive a top-down approach as coercive. This paper focuses upon an alternative approach of transformation through the construction of post-war public spaces which create places for interaction and sociability, and thereby possess healing power. We adopt the philosophy of architect Lebbeus Woods, who offered specific principles for the post-war reconstruction of Sarajevo. These guidelines included an acknowledgement of the damage and destruction, but also the necessity of community participation in rebuilding. We also accept the contentions of Keller Easterling who identified the potential coerciveness of ‘extrastatecraft’, that is structures imposed upon a community from above by the state, or from outside by international organizations. The specific focus of this research is upon Bosnia and Herzegovina, where the work of international organizations and national political leaders ended the military conflict in 1995, but still fails to reconcile the three ethnic groups to a shared future. The method is rooted in comparative political anthropology, which entails an evaluation of processes, agency, and structures, as well as an account for the emotional aspects of identity and politics. Interviews regarding conflict and reconstruction, and ethnographic observations of public spaces are employed. The work concludes that the contributions of the United World College – Mostar contrasts to the relative failure of the reconstruction of the Old Mostar Bridge partially are due to the emphasis of the former on community engagement and inclusion. The results admit the difficulty of post-conflict transformation in ethnically divided systems, but contend that both the process and outcome of community engagement in the reconstruction of public spaces facilitates reconciliation and democratization.

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“…Over the years, ruling parties have engaged in political practices aimed at undermining political opposition and institutional accountability, resulting (in most cases) in dimin-ished electoral and judicial repercussions (Komar, 2020). These practices include electoral manipulation through voter intimidation (Kera & Hysa, 2020;Pavlović, 2019), biased media reporting (Micevski & Trpevska, 2015), the control of public resources for the benefit of party loyalists (Kapidžić, 2019), and the weakening of checks and balances through control over the judiciary (Crowther, 2017;Gjuzelov & Ivanovska, 2020).…”

Section: Illiberalism and Corruption In The Western Balkansmentioning

confidence: 99%

Illiberalism, revolution and the 2016 Macedonian elections

Esteso-Pérez

2021

Intersections

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To what extent are social movements capable of steering voters’ choices in illiberal societies? This paper departs from a corruption-based conception of illiberalism, whereby ‘the misuse of public office for private gain’ in the shape of bribery, nepotism, clientelism and misuse of public party funding, presents itself as one of the foremost components of illiberal rule. Through the empirical exploration of Macedonia’s 2016 Colourful Revolution, this paper aims to examine the potential of Anti-Corruption Movements (ACMs) in enhancing the electoral punishment of illiberal elites. Drawing from original survey data and a set of semi-structured interviews with representatives of the Colourful Revolution and members of the Macedonian civil society, this paper aims at shedding light upon the effects of ACMs on electoral behaviour and, ultimately, on the political potential of ACMs in the reversal of a country’s illiberal course. The study finds strong indicators pointing to the Colourful Revolution’s encouraging role in stoking increasingly negative perceptions towards Macedonia’s illiberal government ahead of the 2016 election, but primarily among voters that had not supported the main government party in the previous election.

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Subnational competitive authoritarianism and power-sharing in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Cited by 27 publications

References 25 publications

Stateness and democratic backsliding in the former Yugoslavia: How political actors subvert democracy in the name of the nation

Stateness and democratic backsliding in the former Yugoslavia: How political actors subvert democracy in the name of the nation

Public Spaces and Conflict Transformation: From Mostar’s Old Bridge to Its United World College

Illiberalism, revolution and the 2016 Macedonian elections

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