Sub-state nationalism and the welfare state: Québec and Canadian federalism

Abstract

This article examines the relationship between sub-state nationalism and the welfare state through the case of Que´bec in Canada. It argues that social policy presents mobilisation and identity-building potential for sub-state nationalism, and that nationalist movements affect the structure of welfare states. Nationalism and the welfare state revolve around the notion of solidarity. Because they often involve transfers of money between citizens, social programmes raise the issue of the specific community whose members should exhibit social and economic solidarity. From this perspective, nationalist movements are likely to seek the congruence between the 'national community' (as conceptualised by their leaders) and the 'social community' (the community where redistributive mechanisms should operate). Moreover, the political discourse of social policy lends itself well to national identity-building because it is typically underpinned by collective values and principles. Finally, pressures stemming from sub-state nationalism tend to reshape the policy agenda at both the state and the substate level while favouring the asymmetrical decentralisation of the welfare state.Nationalist movements in advanced industrial democracies operate in a political environment where decisions about a wide range of policy matters are taken on a regular basis. Overall, little attention has been paid to the relationship between nationalism and public policy as researchers have preferred to focus instead on the constitutional and institutional implications of claims for self-determination. To be fair, specialists of nationalism have not ignored all policy areas. There is a significant literature on nationalism and linguistic policies (McRae 1986;Laponce 2003). Education and broadcasting policies have also been studied for how they are affected by nationalist movements (Erk 2003). The interest in these particular policy areas is not surprising. After all, sub-state nationalism in Western Europe and Canada often features language as a key identity marker (for example, in Flanders, Catalonia and Que´bec), which means that language, education and broadcasting policies are likely to come under nationalist pressures. There has been much less research conducted on nationalism and policy fields not immediately related to language (or culture). 1 This is perhaps because it is not readily expected that day-to-day policy-making in areas not featuring language (or culture) would shape nationalist movements, and that these movements would in turn affect policy-making in these areas.

(Under)valuing care work: the case of childcare workers in small‐town Quebec

“…The fact is that Quebec has gone from having the highest birth rates in the country, in the first half of the century, to having the lowest; however, Quebec has also had a history of progressive social programs. Progressive social policies in Quebec emerged throughout the 1960s as part of the 'Quiet Revolution', which sought the socio-economic advancement of francophones through state intervention (see Béland & Lecours, 2006). While it is true that progressive social policies were used as a mobilization and identity-building strategy for Quebec sub-state nationalism (Béland & Lecours, 2006), the need and call for a universal childcare strategy is not unique to Quebec.…”

“…Progressive social policies in Quebec emerged throughout the 1960s as part of the 'Quiet Revolution', which sought the socio-economic advancement of francophones through state intervention (see Béland & Lecours, 2006). While it is true that progressive social policies were used as a mobilization and identity-building strategy for Quebec sub-state nationalism (Béland & Lecours, 2006), the need and call for a universal childcare strategy is not unique to Quebec. It has been nationally ubiquitous, and, for various reasons, largely unsuccessful everywhere else.…”

Offset Mirrors: Institutional Paths in Canadian and Australian Social Housing

“…Affluence and industrialisation are the strongest long-run correlates of welfare-state development (Banting, 1987) and in this Canada saw greater postwar change. The 'quiet revolution' in 1960s Quebec -a social modernisation akin to that in Spain or Ireland a couple of decades later -embraced an activist state (Béland & Lecours, 2006) and tilted the balance in Canadian politics in toward welfare state expansion. Canada's welfare state was less a 'social contract' between capital and labour than a way for elites to use rising affluence to assuage regional inequalities and quell that same Quebec nationalism with a 'discourse of nation-building' (Banting, 1982;Jenson, 1990).…”

Redistributive policies in decentralised systems: The effect of decentralisation on subnational social spending

“…Several studies have highlighted its crucial role in the nation-building process (Ferrara 2004;Béland & Lecours 2006;Crepaz 2008;McEwen & Moreno 2008). Several studies have highlighted its crucial role in the nation-building process (Ferrara 2004;Béland & Lecours 2006;Crepaz 2008;McEwen & Moreno 2008).…”

“…The welfare state is frequently thought of as an important centralising institution. Several studies have highlighted its crucial role in the nation-building process (Ferrara 2004;Béland & Lecours 2006;Crepaz 2008;McEwen & Moreno 2008). By providing citizens with tangible benefits, such as social security and healthcare, the welfare state binds citizens to the state and creates a national community of shared risk and solidarity.…”