Strongmen politics and investment flows: China’s investments in Malaysia and the Philippines

Camba, Alvin; Gomez, Terence; Khaw, Richard; Cheong, Kee Cheok

doi:10.1080/13547860.2021.1950113

Cited by 8 publications

(10 citation statements)

References 25 publications

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“…To name a few, Camba et al . (2021) and Camba et al . (2022) find that Chinese investment favours strong leaders shaped by the political–economic systems in the host countries, though their perception are oftentimes more subjective and relational than objective and measurable.…”

Section: A Brief Literature Review On Politics Of Brimentioning

confidence: 95%

“…In the KCIC, Indonesian SOEs controlled 60% and Chinese enterprises occupied the rest. While China provided the funding, procurement and operations, Indonesia dealt with land acquisition, local negotiations and the initial landmarking (Camba, 2020b). As a representative from KCIC suggested, the division of labour was to make the project more inclusive and collaborative, but it also promoted local socio‐economic groups to increase their participation in the infrastructure development.…”

Section: From Idea Types To Empirical Casesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…To explain such variations, scholars have conducted more indepth investigations of the varying degrees of agency exercised by Southeast Asian leaderships, states and societies. To name a few, Camba et al (2021) and Camba et al (2022) find that Chinese investment favours strong leaders shaped by the political-economic systems in the host countries, though their perception are oftentimes more subjective and relational than objective and measurable. Lim et al (2021) hold that the institutional arrangement of centre-local relations has a significant impact on the implementation of BRI projects: while Malaysia's more centralised political structure facilitated elite consensus and accelerated projects' rollout, Indonesia's decentralisation encouraged plurality of opinions and complicated project implementation.…”

Section: Remarkmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Infrastructure and politics: Why the Belt and Road Initiative proceeded differently in Malaysia and Indonesia

Wang

2023

Asia Pacific Viewpoint

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The article seeks to understand the different types and sources of politicisation as well as the consequences for Belt and Road Initiative infrastructure projects. It is argued that while the personalised insulated type of foreign policymaking is conducive to intra‐system politicisation, the institutionalised responsive type is associated with extra‐system politicisation. While the former type is contingent on political turnovers and brings about abrupt shocks, the latter oftentimes generates societal pushback from socio‐economic groups. The article focuses on two flagship Belt and Road Initiative infrastructure projects in Malaysia and Indonesia. Based on fieldwork interviews and process tracing, the article finds that the East Coast Rail Link project in Malaysia has suffered from high risk of political interruption owing to Malaysia's personalised insulated type of foreign policymaking, whereas the Jakarta–Bandung High Speed Rail project in Indonesia has encountered sustained obstacles from Indonesian society and brought about substantial delays under Indonesia's institutionalised responsive type.

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Section: A Brief Literature Review On Politics Of Brimentioning

confidence: 95%

Section: From Idea Types To Empirical Casesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Remarkmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Infrastructure and politics: Why the Belt and Road Initiative proceeded differently in Malaysia and Indonesia

Wang

2023

Asia Pacific Viewpoint

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“…For instance, the Ministry of Health has unveiled its business-oriented plans to reform China's medical aid, by promoting jointly-run hospitals and pharmaceutical firms to enhance mutually beneficial cooperation (Huang, 2014). The involvement of commercial interests not only has made China less generous but more seriously, can create space for elites in recipient countries to seek private profits at the expanse of public goods (Camba, 2022; Camba et al, 2023). This would significantly limit potential political gains of aid.…”

Section: Understanding China's Covid-19 Aid: Theories and Hypothesesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Mask Diplomacy? Understanding China's Goals in Delivering Medical Aid in the First Wave of the COVID-19 Pandemic

Sun

2023

Journal of Current Chinese Affairs

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In the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic, China provided medical assistance on an unprecedented scale. While some observers have underscored the strategic purposes of China's COVID-19 aid, referred to as “mask diplomacy,” they have yet to assess this argument against empirical evidence. We seek to examine whether China's medical aid was used as a strategic tool, or it remained reactionary and fragmented, by combining a new dataset on the global distribution of Chinese in-kind medical aid with a qualitative analysis of government and news reports during the first wave of the pandemic. Our findings show that although COVID-19 aid did have the potential to strengthen China's influence over recipients and promote Chinese knowledge of health governance, Chinese policymakers were underprepared to use aid strategically during the pandemic. The reactionary and fragmented nature of China's COVID-19 aid was reflected in its allocation, its policy-making processes, and its implementation.

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“…On BRI (and its impact on Malaysia with or without touching on 1MDB to a limited extent) see for example (Lim and Ng, 2022;Freedman and Bekele, 2022;Council on Foreign Relations, 2021;Schneider, 2021;Camba et al, 2021;Nambiar, 2021;Chin, 2021;Alden and Mendez, 2021;Liow et al, 2021;Sintusingha et al, 2021;Mishra et al, 2021;Dar and Seng, 2021;Kuik, 2021;Gerstl, 2020;Hong and Guanie, 2020;Noughton, 2020;Wang and Zhao, 2020;Yasmi and Wu, 2020;Zaharul et al, 2020;Hernandez, 2019;Liu and Lim, 2019). Also, it may be worthwhile to check West (2018) even when its BRI discussion is devoid in mentioning anything related to Malaysia.…”

Section: Poverty In Today's Malaysiamentioning

confidence: 99%

1MDB: The Causes! Part I

Ali¹

2022

IJARBSS

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On the basis of what various experts in their fields have pointed out as the causes for the 1MDB scandal, a total of nine is laid out in this first part of a series of writing on the causes for the 1MDB scandal. Sites where the nine 1MDB causes are raised include local news portals or freely accessible foreign based websites and these are in contrast to later parts of the series whereupon the causes are found to be elaborated upon in materials such as research papers. In rounding out the discussion of the various causes leading to the delineation of a total of five points that should be worth considering, China's Belt and Road Initative (BRI), public procurement process and the state of poverty in today's Malaysia are looked into. All in all, in the look out for the possible answers to the question on what causing the 1MDB scandal, several matters from local and international arenas appear relevant for considerations and those may go beyond the ones typically discussed under the different levels of governance ranging from individual to corporate to national and finally to international governance.

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Strongmen politics and investment flows: China’s investments in Malaysia and the Philippines

Cited by 8 publications

References 25 publications

Infrastructure and politics: Why the Belt and Road Initiative proceeded differently in Malaysia and Indonesia

Infrastructure and politics: Why the Belt and Road Initiative proceeded differently in Malaysia and Indonesia

Mask Diplomacy? Understanding China's Goals in Delivering Medical Aid in the First Wave of the COVID-19 Pandemic

1MDB: The Causes! Part I

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