Street Traders and the Emerging Spaces for Urban Voice and Citizenship in African Cities

Abstract

As informal commerce has grown to become the lifeblood of African cities, street trade—among the largest sub-groups in the informal economy—has become a visible but contested domain. Yet the increase in street traders has not been accompanied by a corresponding improvement in their status as citizens or in their political influence. The paper first discusses the implications of theoretical debates on ‘citizenship’ and ‘voice’ for street traders and then explores characteristics of traders’ associations and influence in four case study countries: Senegal, Ghana, Tanzania and Lesotho. Drawing together the authors’ findings from research between 2001 and 2008, the paper identifies a fluidity of both formal and informal traders’ organisations which fail to achieve lasting impact. Finally, the paper discusses urban policy implications, arguing for a more flexible definition of urban citizenship based on rights and responsibilities, and an understanding of the complexity of grassroots associations of the marginalised poor.

Who Governs the 'Ungovernable'? Examining Governing Relations in Urban Informality

“…In a study in Senegal, Ghana, Tanzania and Lesotho, Brown et al (2010) note that traders and market associations fall into two groups: the formal associations recognized by the authorities, such as management committees and trade unions; and the informal kinship, religious or other social networks which derive their power outside the formal political or administrative process.…”

“…They emphasize that while both groups offer a means for civic engagement with institutions and local authorities, the organizations often focus on self-help and fail to maintain long-term influence (Brown et al, 2010).…”

“…In street vending literature, agency 14 represents an array of spontaneous and planned encroachments of vendors on public spaces (Bayat, 1997(Bayat, , 2000Hanser, 2016;Musoni, 2010), varied forms of resistance (Crossa, 2009;Flock & Breitung, 2016;Swider, 2015;Turner & Schoenberger, 2012), and engagement mechanisms with government units (Brown, Lyons, & Dankoco, 2010;Cross, 1998b;Peña, 1999;Swider, 2015). Meanwhile, social systems often refer to socio-economic conditions -poverty, unemployment, migration (Musoni, 2010;Xue & Huang, 2015) and state policies aimed at regulating, controlling or purging informal hawkers (Batréau & Bonnet, 2016;Hlela, 2003;Illy, 1986;Setšabi & Leduka, 2008).…”

“…The first factor has to do with the ability of vendors to engage in the 'politics of the streets' (Bayat, 1997(Bayat, , 2000Hanser, 2016;Musoni, 2010) and/or build associations to employ engagement strategies -from bribery schemes to collective political pressure (Brown et al, 2010;Cross, 1998b;Peña, 1999;Recio & Gomez, 2013). In a number of cases, the everyday interactions, resistance and collective actions enable state engagement, which allows the hawkers to occupy certain spaces without the threat of eviction.…”

“…In exploring the contribution of agents, however, it is equally crucial to be conscious of the structural dimensions that influence the actors' interests and behaviour. This is important since a tolerant position is also tied to ambiguous national policies on informal vending (Itikawa, 2004;Recio, 2010) in the face of harsh economic conditions (Brown et al, 2010;Flock & Breitung, 2016;Roever, 2006;Turner & Schoenberger, 2012;Xue & Huang, 2015). The institutional ambivalence generated by complex policies renders some local government executives indecisive on how to approach street vending.…”