2009
DOI: 10.1017/s0021911809000011
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Strategic Hypocrisy: The British Imperial Scripting of Tibet's Geopolitical Identity

Abstract: The protests in and around Tibet in 2008 show that Tibet's status within China remains unsettled. The West is not an outsider to the Tibet question, which is defined primarily in terms of the debate over the status of Tibet vis-à-vis China. Tibet's modern geopolitical identity has been scripted by British imperialism. The changing dynamics of British imperial interests in India affected the emergence of Tibet as a (non)modern geopolitical entity. The most significant aspect of the British imperialist policy pr… Show more

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Cited by 24 publications
(9 citation statements)
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“…Thereafter, Great Howland 181 Britain continued to acknowledge Chinese suzerainty over Tibet in various pacts with Russia, the Republic of China, and then the People's Republic of China. Great Britain asserted that Tibet was a part of China insofar as China had suzerainty over Tibet, and the family of nations has continued to acknowledge that Tibet is a part of China (Anand, 2004;Anand, 2009;Chen, 2007;Dutt, 1964: 197-206;Heberer 1989: 118-26;Goldstein, 1989;Goldstein, 1997: 1-36;Kadian, 1999;Lu, 1986;Sharan, 1968: 137-38, 218-30). Following the Chinese invasion of Tibet in 1959, geopolitical leaders have agreed that the Tibetans are not eligible for self-determination, so Tibet has had to settle for its status as an autonomous region within the People's Republic of China, and can at best exercise a constitutional right to self-government through people's congresses and revolutionary committees (Constitution, 1975: 31).…”
Section: Territorial Sovereigntymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Thereafter, Great Howland 181 Britain continued to acknowledge Chinese suzerainty over Tibet in various pacts with Russia, the Republic of China, and then the People's Republic of China. Great Britain asserted that Tibet was a part of China insofar as China had suzerainty over Tibet, and the family of nations has continued to acknowledge that Tibet is a part of China (Anand, 2004;Anand, 2009;Chen, 2007;Dutt, 1964: 197-206;Heberer 1989: 118-26;Goldstein, 1989;Goldstein, 1997: 1-36;Kadian, 1999;Lu, 1986;Sharan, 1968: 137-38, 218-30). Following the Chinese invasion of Tibet in 1959, geopolitical leaders have agreed that the Tibetans are not eligible for self-determination, so Tibet has had to settle for its status as an autonomous region within the People's Republic of China, and can at best exercise a constitutional right to self-government through people's congresses and revolutionary committees (Constitution, 1975: 31).…”
Section: Territorial Sovereigntymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The question therefore is not whether Xinjiang or Tibet are experiencing internal colonialism, but whether or not the colonialism they are experiencing requires the qualifier 'internal,' thus indirectly accepting the legitimacy of the process of colonisation.According to Hind, the internal colonialism 'approach usually excludes that feature of traditional views of colonisation which assumes geographical separation [but includes] such characteristics of conventional colonialism as political subjection, economic exploitation, cultural domination, and racial conflict'(Hind 1984: 552).However, Uyghurs and Tibetans have their own strong sense of homeland and do perceive that homeland as geographically separate from Han Chinese territories seen as 'China proper' or 'Inner China'. Even historically, when Tibetans did not operate on the basis of modernist discrete sovereignty and had a patron-priest relation with empires based in China (mchod yon; seeKlieger 1992), there remained a clear sense of Tibet being different from China(Anand 2009;Halper and Halper 2014;Shakya 1999;Wolff 2010). While Uyghur identity has been contested, the origin and strengthening of modern Uyghur national identity have long antecedents in various processes in the Uyghur homeland, as Tursun points out (2018).…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The first of these notions is that of "empire" as a pre-modern mode of political organization in China. This is a pre-national empire, one where the European idea of "bounded communities" with marked (and mapped) territoriality was not yet overtly present (Anand, 2009). Common intellectual references, clan and lineage, everyday rituals and cultural norms delimited the non-territorial borders of the empire, whereas a sophisticated bureaucratic structure was key in political organization (Spence, 1990, pp.…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%