Stranglehold: The Context, Conduct and Consequences of an American Naval Blockade of China

Mirski, Sean

doi:10.1080/01402390.2012.743885

Cited by 25 publications

(9 citation statements)

References 8 publications

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“…On the other hand, as a significant part of the evolving Chinese geo-political imperative, this would help China to decelerate the perceived “Malacca Dilemma” where the Chinese leadership fears that during serious military crisis with potential adversaries US and its Asian allies, China’s growing economic activities could be choked in various choke points. Malacca is one of the key choke points under the power and influence of the US and its Asian allies that could potentially jeopardize China’s flow of goods transportation once there is a potential US stranglehold in the form of a naval blockade of China (Hornat, 2016; Mirski, 2013). It is imperative to note that the Chinese modern strategic policies for its own international orders and maritime assertions are shaped by the geostrategic challenges, the longstanding century of humiliation, the troubled history with its neighbors, the unresolved territorial disputes, and its aspiration for its own standing in the broader Asia-Pacific region (Yoshihara and Holmes, 2018).…”

Section: Conceptualizing the Us–india And China–pakistan Quadrangle T...mentioning

confidence: 99%

The effects of US–China competing strategies in Asia-Pacific on India and Pakistan rivalry in the South Asian region

Khan

2021

Asian Journal of Comparative Politics

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This article primarily focuses on how the increasing US–China competing strategies in Asia-Pacific affect the policies of South Asian rivals India and Pakistan when, on the one hand, the US as part of its offshore balancing grand strategy has been increasing its strategic partnership with India through the transfer of emerging technologies in terms of military modernization process, and on the other hand, China and Pakistan have improved their geo-economic and geostrategic partnership as part of the Chinese grand strategy via the Belt and Road Initiative while enabling Pakistan to produce effective countermeasures against its potential adversary. The article presumes that, in doing so, such competing strategies frame a quadrangle setting comprising of US and India to deter and contain China on the one hand and China and Pakistan to produce countermeasures and try to create a balance to potentially prevent the risk of conflict in South Asia out of such competing strategies at the quadrangle order conceived here. However, in fact, neither the US nor rising China would desire such a possibility of conflict otherwise unintendedly occurring from the intense US–China competing strategies while affecting the policies of the South Asian rivals. The article concludes that the shaping of this quadrangle framework may bring both opportunities and challenges for the South Asian rivals. It also concludes that the more intense the competition between the US and China becomes, the more intense its implications could be on the South Asian rivals, while the reduced tension between China and the US, although unlikely, would have reduced pressure on India and Pakistan relations as well.

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Section: Conceptualizing the Us–india And China–pakistan Quadrangle T...mentioning

confidence: 99%

The effects of US–China competing strategies in Asia-Pacific on India and Pakistan rivalry in the South Asian region

Khan

2021

Asian Journal of Comparative Politics

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“…To be cut off by an adversary when oil is needed during a war would be such a case, and China must certainly be aware that the United States has frequently targeted the oil sector of unfriendly countries to keep them in line. This strategy has also been discussed in relation to China (Mirski 2013;Cunningham 2020). Most Chinese analysts see a danger in China's dependence on the SLOCs controlled by the United States (Ross 2009;Erickson and Goldstein 2009).…”

Section: China and The First Pillarmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Most Chinese analysts see a danger in China's dependence on the SLOCs controlled by the United States (Ross 2009;Erickson and Goldstein 2009). Dependence on oil imports could be China's Achilles' heel (Mirski 2013). China is endeavoring to shift transport routes of its oil supply away from SLOCs towards its neighbors and towards oil imported by pipeline.…”

Section: China and The First Pillarmentioning

confidence: 99%

China in the liberal oil market order

Ulatowski¹

2021

Polityka Energetyczna – Energy Policy Journal

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In the early 21 st century, the USD 64,000 Question has been whether China is actually integrating into the liberal world order. In this paper I concentrate on one segment of that order: the oil market order. I question the argument that in the present century the oil market order has moved away from being "liberal capitalist" towards becoming "state-capitalist" as a consequence of the rise of China and Chinese preferences. I argue that China has neither changed nor has had the power to change the international oil market order. To demonstrate this, I evaluate China's behavior towards the three pillars of the liberal oil market order. The first pillar is the United States' role as the underwriter of the global oil supply. The US guarantees oil security mainly through its military presence in the Persian Gulf, the most important region for oil exports. The US also guarantees the security of sea lines of communication. The second pillar is the ownership structure of the oil industry, where state-owned and privately-owned companies coexist. The third pillar is the currency of the oil trade (the US dollar) and its market-driven pricing system. It replaced the system of OPEC-administered prices that existed between 1973 and 1988. Pricing power moved away from OPEC to the so-called "market". In the period 2000-2020, China did not challenge any of those three pillars. China may be a mercantilist power, but in the first two decades of the 21 st century it remained within the liberal oil market order.

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“…Deterrence by denial is about how the United States should exercise A2/AD itself, with a view to enforcing a distant blockade against China (Heginbotham & Heim, 2015;Mirski, 2013). One prominent example of deterrence by denial is Offshore Control, a concept that seeks to minimize the probability of escalation to a nuclear conflict with China (Hammes, 2012).…”

Section: From Primacy Vs Balancing To Punishment and Denialmentioning

confidence: 99%

Between punishment and denial: Uncertainty, flexibility, and U.S. military strategy toward China

Simón

2020

Contemporary Security Policy

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Most debates on U.S. military strategy in the Western Pacific revolve around the question of how to deter China. Advocates of deterrence by punishment believe that the Chinese threat is serious but not critical, because the United States can leverage its global military-technological advantages to preserve a position of regional military primacy. Those in favor of deterrence by denial point to China's potential and "home advantages," and argue that the United States should settle for more modest objectives such as preventing Chinese regional military dominance. I argue that the high level of uncertainty around Chinese capabilities and the evolving Sino-American regional military balance have led the United States to adopt a flexible strategy, and embrace distinct-even contradictory-operational concepts to deter Beijing: The United States itself mostly focuses primarily on deterrence by punishment, while actively encouraging and enabling its regional allies to develop deterrence by denial.

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Stranglehold: The Context, Conduct and Consequences of an American Naval Blockade of China

Cited by 25 publications

References 8 publications

The effects of US–China competing strategies in Asia-Pacific on India and Pakistan rivalry in the South Asian region

The effects of US–China competing strategies in Asia-Pacific on India and Pakistan rivalry in the South Asian region

China in the liberal oil market order

Between punishment and denial: Uncertainty, flexibility, and U.S. military strategy toward China

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