Still men’s parties? Gender and the radical right in comparative perspective

Abstract

This framing paper introduces the symposium on gender and the radical right. With the exception of a few recent studies, gender issues have received little attention in research on the European radical right. The purpose of this symposium is to address that and examine (1) whether radical right parties are still 'men's parties' -parties led and supported primarily by men and ( 2) to what extent and how women and women's concerns have been included by these parties. It argues that radical right parties have changed their appeal since their origins in the 1980s. There is now evidence of the fact that radical right parties, at least in some countries, exhibit an active political involvement of women and engage in some representation of women's concerns. This puts them in a more 'standardised' political position vis-àvis other parties. Given the current lack of focus on this topic, and given the recent gendered changes in radical right parties, this symposium stresses the academic and political importance of studying gender relations in radical right politics.

Discursive Constructions of White Nordic Masculinities in Right-wing Populist Media

“…Our analysis adds further complexity to the wider scholarly discussion concerning the "crisis of masculinity" and emerging hybrid masculinities in the context of neoliberal globalizing tendencies, and more specifically to the study of men and masculinities in right-wing populism (Claus and Virchow 2017; Erzeel and Rashkova 2017;Gottzén 2014;Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser 2015;Kimmel 2003Kimmel , 2017Roose 2017;Wodak 2015). We argue that in right-wing populist discourses, the traditional hegemonic masculinity ideal based on hard work, ordinariness, and of rural or small-town extraction is gradually giving way to hybridized ideals of masculinity.…”

“…And it's got to stop and it's got to stop fast. (C-span (Producer) 2016, 11:04-11:57) If in the US context the Republican Party, the main right-wing conservative force, has caved in to populism, in Europe this political phenomenon is embodied by right-wing populist parties (Erzeel and Rashkova 2017;Mudde 2007;Wodak 2015). Like in the US and elsewhere in Europe, men's anger is mobilized politically also across Northern Europe by such parties, which claim to defend "the people," and make significant inroads in mainstream politics.…”

“…In Finland, Perussuomalaiset/ Sannfinländarna (Finns Party) became the second largest party in the 2015 parliamentary elections with 17.6 % of the votes, and until recently partook in the center-right governing coalition; in Sweden, Sverigedemokraterna (Sweden Democrats) became third largest party in the 2014 parliamentary elections, with 12.9 % of the votes, posing serious challenges to the center-left minority government. Men outnumber women among both voters and members of these parties (Erzeel and Rashkova 2017;Pettersson 2017;Ylä-Anttila and Luhtakallio 2017), with some researchers even labelling right-wing populist parties as Männerparteien (men's parties) (Mudde 2007, 90-118;Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser 2015, 22). But unlike the US, both Finland and Sweden are oftentimes heralded as examples of the Nordic "women-friendly welfare state," which is underpinned by the assumption that gendered hierarchies and social class inequalities have been dismantled with the direct involvement and commitment of both men and women in virtually homogeneous societies (Christensen and Larsen 2008;Johansson and Klinth 2008).…”

Women and the Radical Right: Exploring Gendered Differences in Vote Choice for Radical Right Parties in Europe

“…The previous section solely explored the gendered differences in political attitudes. As stated earlier, scholars studying radical right vote choice have unanimously found a link between gender and voting for the radical right (Kitschelt 1995, Givens 2005, Norris 2005, van Spanje 2010, van Heerden et al 2014, Harteveld et al 2015, Immerzeel et al 2015, Mayer 2015, Spierings/Zaslove 2015, Harteveld/Ivarsflaten 2016, Erzeel/ Ekaterina 2017, Harteveld et al 2017, Spierings/Zaslove 2017. Several of these authors have, through statistical testing, determined that there is a negative correlation between gender (men=0; women=1) and vote choice for these parties.…”

“…One important area of inquiry explores the disparate ways in which gender plays a role in the success of these parties. In particular, the extent to which gender differences play a role in voting/support for radical right parties and their policies has received increased attention (Harteveld et al 2015, Immerzeel et al 2015, Mayer 2015, Spierings/Zaslove 2015, Harteveld/Ivarsflaten 2016, Erzeel/Ekaterina 2017, Harteveld et al 2017, Spierings/Zaslove 2017.…”