Stepan Bandera: The resurrection of a Ukrainian national hero

Marples, David R.

doi:10.1080/09668130600652118

Cited by 28 publications

(16 citation statements)

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“…The rehabilitation of Stepan Bandera, which as we will see later in the Georgian context can be compared to what has happened to Zviad Gamsakhurdia, involves a whitewashing of the complex and problematic, and at best muddled, history of his organization's involvement with Nazi collaboration and ethnic cleansing (Liebich and Myshlovska 2014;Marples 2006). Ukrainian nationalists have facilitated and reproduced a specific, idealized, and narrow narrative which fulfills a nationalist agenda.…”

Section: Research Frameworkmentioning

confidence: 97%

“…While there has been research conducted on this topic that has focused on key figures in American race relations (Alderman 2002(Alderman , 2003Leib 2002Leib , 2004Post 2009) and in cross-cultural perceptions of world history (Hanke et al 2015), there is a scarcity of understanding of national heroes and villains in post-Communist societies. The majority of studies in the post-Soviet space center on two key national figures: Stepan Bandera in Ukraine (Katchanovski 2010(Katchanovski , 2015Marples 2006Marples , 2010 and Joseph Stalin in Russia and Georgia Gugushvili, Kabachnik, and Gilbreath 2016;Kabachnik, Gugushvili, and Jishkariani 2015;Mendelson and Gerber 2006;de Waal 2013).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Collective memory and reputational politics of national heroes and villains

2017

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The politics of memory plays an important role in the ways certain figures are evaluated and remembered, as they can be rehabilitated or vilified, or both, as these processes are contested. We explore these issues using a transition society, Georgia, as a case study. Who are the heroes and villains in Georgian collective memory? What factors influence who is seen as a hero or a villain and why? How do these selections correlate with Georgian national identity? We attempt to answer these research questions using a newly generated data set of contemporary Georgian perspectives on recent history. Our survey results show that according to a representative sample of the Georgian population, the main heroes from the beginning of the twentieth century include Zviad Gamsakhurdia, Ilia Chavchavadze, and Patriarch Ilia II. Eduard Shevardnadze, Sergo Ordzhonikidze, and Vladimir Putin represent the main villains, and those that appear on both lists are Mikheil Saakashvili and Joseph Stalin. We highlight two clusters of attitudes that are indicative of how people think about Georgian national identity, mirroring civic and ethnic conceptions of nationalism. How Georgians understand national identity impacts not only who they choose as heroes or villains, but also whether they provide an answer at all.

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Section: Research Frameworkmentioning

confidence: 97%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Collective memory and reputational politics of national heroes and villains

2017

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“…However, a rapidly growing body of academic research exists in the West on the OUN and the UPA and their involvement in the mass murder of Jews, Poles, and, to a lesser extent, Ukrainians and Russians (Berkhoff and Carynnyk, 1999;Himka, 2011aHimka, , 2011bHimka, , 2009Katchanovski, 2013;Kudelia, 2013;Marples, 2010Marples, , 2007Marples, , 2006Rudling, 2011Rudling, , 2006Rossolinski-Liebe, 2011Shevel, 2011). However, these studies mostly focus on historical issues or historical memory issues concerning these organizations, and they do not specifically examine public attitudes toward the OUN and the UPA.…”

Section: The Oun and The Upa: Previous Studies And Controversiesmentioning

confidence: 98%

Terrorists or national heroes? Politics and perceptions of the OUN and the UPA in Ukraine

Katchanovski

2015

Communist and Post-Communist Studies

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a b s t r a c tThis study analyzes controversies and public attitudes concerning the Bandera faction of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN-B), the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) and Stepan Bandera in Ukraine. The research question is: Which factors affect attitudes toward the OUN-B, the UPA and Bandera in contemporary Ukraine? This article employs comparative and regression analyses of surveys commissioned by the author and conducted by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology (KIIS) in 2009 and 2013 to determine the effects of regional and other factors on attitudes toward these organizations and the OUN-B leader. The study shows that regional factors and perceptions of these organizations' involvement in mass murder were the strongest predictors of the views concerning the OUN-B, the UPA and Bandera. Their public support is strongest in Galicia and weakest in the East and the South, in particular, in Donbas and Crimea, two major conflict areas since the "Euromaidan."

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“…Stepan Bandera was a Ukrainian nationalist, a controversial figure whose activities during World War II have been heatedly discussed in academic and folk historiography. Academic discourse strives for an unbiased evaluation of his struggle for Ukrainian independence, in which the end justified any means, including terrorism and collaboration with Nazi Germany [Ishchenko 2014;Kulyk 2013;Marples 2006;Narvselius 2012]. Folk historians, on the other hand, draw bits and pieces of Bandera's biography out of context and build up two conflicting narratives-one resembling the genre of hagiography and the other a demonic legend.…”

Section: The Crisis In Ukraine and The Split Of Identity In The Russimentioning

confidence: 99%

The Crisis in Ukraine and the Split of Identity in the Russian-speaking World

Fialkova

Yelenevskaia

2016

Folklorica

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The events of 2014 in Ukraine triggered a wave of discussions and narratives rewriting history and reexamining allegiances and cultural affinities. Material for the study was drawn from Facebook, blogs and internet discussion forums, folk humor disseminated online, personal correspondence and participant observation. This essay discusses how opinions are formed in the diaspora and how they are affected by different sources of information. The attitude to events in Ukraine has turned into a litmus test in personal relations, sometimes leading to a break up of friendships and family relations. Our analyses will disclose ambivalences in the perception of Ukrainian crisis in the diaspora. Those who support Ukraine do not necessarily come from that country or have cultural affinities with it and not all Ukrainian supporters identify with democratic values. Critics of the current Ukrainian government do not always support the actions of Putin's Russia. Among them there are also people from Ukraine and able to speak Ukrainian. Like many political conflicts this one fueled nationalism not only in the participating countries but also in the Russian-speaking diaspora.

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Stepan Bandera: The resurrection of a Ukrainian national hero

Cited by 28 publications

References 1 publication

Collective memory and reputational politics of national heroes and villains

Collective memory and reputational politics of national heroes and villains

Terrorists or national heroes? Politics and perceptions of the OUN and the UPA in Ukraine

The Crisis in Ukraine and the Split of Identity in the Russian-speaking World

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