Steadfast Democrats

White, Ismail K.; Laird, Chryl N.

doi:10.1515/9780691201962

Cited by 21 publications

(13 citation statements)

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“…First, Black and white Americans had and continue to have vastly different experiences and relationships with the police and the carceral state, with evidence of this ranging from historical accounts tracing the origins of today's police to slavery (e.g., Blackmon 2009) and of targeted police violence against Black communities in the United States (e.g., Hinton 2021), to large-n studies of racial disparities in traffic stops (e.g., Baumgartner, Epp, and Shoub 2018;Epp, Maynard-Moody, and Haider-Markel 2014;Pierson et al 2020). Further, studies show that one does not need direct contact with an incident of injustice to be motivated by it-especially if such injustice is understood to be targeted based on group affiliation, such as race (Anoll 2022) and to have shaped the social experience of being Black in America (White and Laird 2020). Second, the lessons imbued and messages sent to Black and white Americans when they interact with the police or otherwise observe them are different, which produces different responses in individuals belonging to those groups and their broader communities (e.g., García-Montoya, Arjona, and Lacombe 2021; Maltby 2017).…”

Section: Perceptions Of the Policementioning

confidence: 99%

Contested Killings: The Mobilizing Effects of Community Contact with Police Violence

Morris

Shoub

2023

Am Polit Sci Rev

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Recently, we have witnessed the politicizing effects of police killings in the United States. This project asks how such killings might (de)mobilize voters at the local level. We draw on multiple theoretical approaches to develop a theory of community contact with the police. We argue that when a highly visible event tied to government actions occurs—like a police killing—it can spur turnout. This is especially true where public narratives tie such events to government and structural causes. By comparing neighborhoods near a killing before and after election day, we estimate the causal effect on turnout. We find a mobilizing effect. These effects are larger when they “trend” on Google, occur in Black communities, or if the victim is Black. Proximity to a killing also increases support for abolishing the police. We conclude that police violence increases electoral participation in communities where narratives about racially unjust policing resonate most.

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Section: Perceptions Of the Policementioning

confidence: 99%

Contested Killings: The Mobilizing Effects of Community Contact with Police Violence

Morris

Shoub

2023

Am Polit Sci Rev

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“…This argument corresponds with a more corporatist ontology of social groups and has frequently been made in the context of historically marginalized identities (Cudd 2006;Lepoutre 2020;Young 1990). White and Laird (2020), for instance, argue that the achievement of meaningful political power for Black Americans has required their support to be consolidated within one party (the Democrats), which has in turn required forms of "racialized social constraint" to discourage defection of Black citizens whose preferences might otherwise lean Republican. In this view, polarization's disciplining effects on partisan identity might not be such a problem for political agency after all.…”

Section: Social Partisan Identity and Its Dangers Social Identity And...mentioning

confidence: 99%

What Kind of Identity is Partisan Identity? “Social” versus “Political” Partisanship in Divided Democracies

RUCKELSHAUS

2022

Am Polit Sci Rev

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Many scholars blame partisan polarization for collapsing politics into social life. But these diagnoses lack any sophisticated theoretical basis for distinguishing “social” from “political” forms of identity. This article offers such a framework, providing better grounding for evaluating polarization. Drawing on work on the politics of difference, I first argue that the harms of polarized partisanship mirror long-standing criticisms of essentialist social identities, including the constriction of agency and reduction of compromise. I then show how a more political form of partisan identity could not only mitigate these concerns but also positively contribute to democracy through the promotion of civic republican ideals of active citizenship. I conceptualize partisan identity between the view of the social-identity literature (partisanship as cultural identity) and an idealizing tendency within some recent normative views (partisanship without identity), offering a novel evaluation of polarization and a conceptual map useful for both empirical and normative scholars.

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“…1 Related literatures on gender-and race-of-interviewer effects (e.g. Kane and Macaulay 1993;White and Laird 2020) and intergroup contact (Enos 2014), while too vast for us to review given space constraints, also suggest more generally that individuals are acutely aware of the demographics of those they interact with.…”

Section: Theoretical Perspectivesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Shared Demographic Characteristics Do Not Reliably Facilitate Persuasion in Interpersonal Conversations: Evidence from Eight Experiments

Broockman¹,

Kalla²,

Ottone³

et al. 2022

Preprint

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Many efforts to persuade others politically employ interpersonal conversations. A recurring question is whether participants in such conversations are more readily persuaded by others who share their demographic characteristics (e.g., race). Echoing broader concerns that Americans have difficulties communicating across differences, research finds that individuals perceive demographically similar people as more trustworthy, suggesting shared demographics could facilitate persuasion. In a survey of practitioners and scholars, we find many share these expectations. However, dual-process theories suggest that messenger attributes are typically peripheral cues which should not influence persuasion when individuals are effortfully thinking, such as during interpersonal conversations. Supporting this view, we analyze data from eight experiments on interpersonal conversations across four topics (total N = 6,139) and find that shared demographics (age, gender, or race) do not increase their effects. These results are encouraging for the scalability of interpersonal conversation interventions, and suggest Americans are capable of persuading each other across difference.

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Steadfast Democrats

Cited by 21 publications

References 0 publications

Contested Killings: The Mobilizing Effects of Community Contact with Police Violence

Contested Killings: The Mobilizing Effects of Community Contact with Police Violence

What Kind of Identity is Partisan Identity? “Social” versus “Political” Partisanship in Divided Democracies

Shared Demographic Characteristics Do Not Reliably Facilitate Persuasion in Interpersonal Conversations: Evidence from Eight Experiments

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