Status Selective White Flight and Central City Population Change: A Comparative Analysis*

Frey, William H.

doi:10.1111/j.1467-9787.1980.tb00627.x

Cited by 13 publications

(4 citation statements)

References 10 publications

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“…Whether the composition of gross out-migration patterns differs between growing and shrinking cities has rarely been investigated, however. Frey (1980) computed the propensity of White central city White residents to leave the city according to their educational attainment, and found that the positive relationship between greater attainment and propensity to move out was stronger among the declining cities (Detroit, Buffalo, and Hartford) than the growing ones (Dallas, Atlanta, and Sacramento) analyzed. However, Foulkes and Schafft (2010) found that poor households had a higher propensity to leave high-poverty metropolitan counties (presumably containing shrinking cities) than nonpoor households.…”

Section: Proposition 1: Decline Processes Are Demographically Selectivementioning

confidence: 99%

Why Shrinking Cities Are Not Mirror Images of Growing Cities: A Research Agenda of Six Testable Propositions

Galster

2017

Urban Affairs Review

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I advance six propositions regarding the features of urban decline processes that distinguish them from those in growing cities. First, they are demographically selective, as population losses are disproportionately comprised of more advantaged households. Second, they are dynamically nonlinear, as population changes exceed thresholds where socially problematic behaviors and residential disinvestment jump sharply. Third, they are asymmetrically scalable for technological, financial, physical, and political reasons. Fourth, they are minimally controlled by traditional land-use policies of zoning and building permits. Fifth, they are informally decentralized, as individuals and groups supplement the atrophied local public sector with “do it yourself” activities. Sixth, they are psychologically conservative, as residents try to conserve threatened physical, social, and psychological resources. The article synthesizes extant theory and evidence from multiple disciplines, although ultimately the propositions are advanced as working hypotheses commanding varying degrees of support, which collectively comprise a research agenda for further investigation.

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Section: Proposition 1: Decline Processes Are Demographically Selectivementioning

confidence: 99%

Why Shrinking Cities Are Not Mirror Images of Growing Cities: A Research Agenda of Six Testable Propositions

Galster

2017

Urban Affairs Review

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“…Although the housing covenants in real estate titles that blocked the sale of homes to African Americans in many segregated white Detroit neighborhoods were ruled unconstitutional in 1948, the ruling did not end discriminatory real estate practices (McWhirter 2001). In the 1950s, the racial integration of Detroit's neighborhoods was undermined by stereotypes that fueled white residents' fears, contributing to their attempts to prevent African Americans from moving into their neighborhoods or to drive them out (Frey 1980a, 1980b; Sugrue 1996; Turrini 1999). In addition, the houses that were razed in the 1950s and 1960s for several interstate highways through the city were in predominantly African American neighborhoods, forcing the residents to relocate.…”

Section: Fundamental Causes Of Racial Disparities In Health: Racial Smentioning

confidence: 99%

Racial and Spatial Relations as Fundamental Determinants of Health in Detroit

et al. 2002

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As a social construct, race has been and remains a powerful organizing feature of American social life. Racial categories both reflect and reinforce group differences in access to economic, political, and social resources. In the United States, racial ideologies operate politically, legally, and socially to limit African Americans' and other labeled racial groups' access to economic resources (Darden 1986; Farley et al. 1994; Hummer 1996; Krieger 1999; LaVeist 1992; Massey and Denton 1993; Williams 1996, 1999). For example, institutional or structural forms of systematic discrimination can limit educational, employment, and housing opportunities. In this article, we suggest that efforts to reduce or eliminate well‐established racial disparities in health must consider the complex relationships between race and socioeconomic status, including the political, social, and economic processes that create and maintain racial differences in access to social and economic resources. African Americans in the United States have a higher than average risk of morbidity and mortality, despite declining mortality rates for many causes of death for the general population. This article examines race‐based residential segregation as a fundamental cause of racial disparities, shaping differences in exposure to, and experiences of, diseases and risk factors. The spatial distribution of racial groups, specifically the residential segregation of African Americans in aging urban areas, contributes to disparities in health by influencing access to economic, social, and physical resources essential to health. Using the Detroit metropolitan area as a case study, this article looks at the influences of the distribution of African American and white residents on access to these resources and discusses the implications for urban policies to reduce racial disparities in health status.

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“…Kain (1968) was perhaps the first to point to economic considerations, arguing that the suburbanization of employment, particularly employment requiring lower levels of technical skill, combined with discrimination in housing to isolate blacks in locations with little or no job growth (the "spatial mismatch" hypothesis). Murray (1984), Frey (1980), Lauria (1998), and Bradford and Kelejian (1972), among others, have made similar arguments.…”

Section: Policy Context and The Ongoing Debatementioning

confidence: 50%

What makes community reinvestment act agreements work? A study of lender responses

Bostic

Robinson

2005

Housing Policy Debate

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One response to the incentives provided by the Community Reinvestment Act of 1977 (CRA) has been for lenders and community groups to enter into CRA agreements, which involve pledges to provide prescribed levels of service to targeted neighborhoods. This article examines whether lenders actually change their behavior after entering into these agreements.Using data on CRA agreements and on mortgage lending, we find that institutions increase their lending activity with each year an agreement is in force and that increased lending persists after an agreement expires. Additional analysis shows that agreements that include provisions for mortgage counseling and technical assistance are associated with increased targeted lending. By contrast, agreements with provisions requiring small business counseling and technical assistance and periodic meetings by review committees are associated with somewhat depressed lending levels. Further research is needed to draw definitive implications from this second set of results.

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Status Selective White Flight and Central City Population Change: A Comparative Analysis*

Cited by 13 publications

References 10 publications

Why Shrinking Cities Are Not Mirror Images of Growing Cities: A Research Agenda of Six Testable Propositions

Why Shrinking Cities Are Not Mirror Images of Growing Cities: A Research Agenda of Six Testable Propositions

Racial and Spatial Relations as Fundamental Determinants of Health in Detroit

What makes community reinvestment act agreements work? A study of lender responses

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