Abstract:The existence of sovereign rights in the North Natuna Sea has begun to be disturbed since China's claim of traditional fishing rights was strengthened by the nine-dash line claim. This claim includes the North Natuna Sea area into China's territorial sea, which makes this area a conflict area. The problem in this research is the existence of traditional fishing ground rights in UNCLOS III 1982 and the impact of the nine-dash line claim on Indonesia's sovereign rights in the conflict area of ??the North Natuna … Show more
“…The LTS area according to the provisions of UNCLOS 1982 is in several forms of jurisdiction, including international waters and territorial waters controlled by China, Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia, Brunei Darussalam and Indonesia. [5] The LTS area has strategic value in economic, political and maritime transportation aspects. LTS is the second busiest sea waterway in the world.…”
Section: The Strategic Value Of the South China Sea For Aseanmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…[4] The claim of an imaginary line that stretches to control 90% of the SCS is based on a 1949 traditional Chinese map made after World War II. [5] According to China's claim, North Natuna, which in the provisions of the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) is part of Indonesia's Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ), is included as an integral part of its territory, along with a number of territorial areas of other Southeast Asian countries. [6] The bilateral conflict between Indonesia and China over North Natuna is part of the struggle for territory with very high economic potential for natural resources.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Repeated patrols by Chinese Cost Guard (TCG) ships have created instability in maritime areas and disrupted Indonesia's access to exploration and exploitation of natural resources in North Natuna. [5] This condition requires immediate movement to create long-term conflict resolution.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The protracted political-security diplomacy between ASEAN-China and between Southeast Asian countries and China shows the importance of ASEAN solidification to use the association as a single forum for resolving disputes in the North Natuna conflict. [5] ASEAN has so far transformed from an economic-political cooperation organization into a multi-sector organization that encourages growth and creates regional stability in an integral and comprehensive manner. The ASEAN Political-Security Community (APSC), which is oriented to be the main forum for collective decision-making to create security stability in the Southeast Asia region, especially the SCS, is targeted to complete its formation in 2025.…”
Since the early 21st century, ASEAN and China have been entangled in a conflict over the Nine Dash Line, claiming Southeast Asian territory in the South China Sea. Negotiations, culminating in the 2002 DoC agreement, aimed to peacefully address the conflict and discuss the CoC. This study uses a juridical-normative approach to determine the potentiality of the ASEAN Way principles integration strategy in resolving the conflict. This study finds ASEAN unity is seen as a key solution to strengthen the standing of Southeast Asian countries in countering China's dominance in the region. With the ASEAN Way. ASEAN, guided by the ASEAN Way, seeks peaceful resolution in South China Sea conflicts. The 1992 Declaration and 2022 ASEAN-China DoC lack clear sovereign boundaries. Unified ASEAN support in ongoing CoC discussions is crucial for resolution. China's NDL claim jeopardizes ASEAN's sovereignty, demanding collective efforts, especially during Indonesia's 2023 ASEAN chairmanship, for legal resolution and conflict prevention.
“…The LTS area according to the provisions of UNCLOS 1982 is in several forms of jurisdiction, including international waters and territorial waters controlled by China, Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia, Brunei Darussalam and Indonesia. [5] The LTS area has strategic value in economic, political and maritime transportation aspects. LTS is the second busiest sea waterway in the world.…”
Section: The Strategic Value Of the South China Sea For Aseanmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…[4] The claim of an imaginary line that stretches to control 90% of the SCS is based on a 1949 traditional Chinese map made after World War II. [5] According to China's claim, North Natuna, which in the provisions of the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) is part of Indonesia's Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ), is included as an integral part of its territory, along with a number of territorial areas of other Southeast Asian countries. [6] The bilateral conflict between Indonesia and China over North Natuna is part of the struggle for territory with very high economic potential for natural resources.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Repeated patrols by Chinese Cost Guard (TCG) ships have created instability in maritime areas and disrupted Indonesia's access to exploration and exploitation of natural resources in North Natuna. [5] This condition requires immediate movement to create long-term conflict resolution.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The protracted political-security diplomacy between ASEAN-China and between Southeast Asian countries and China shows the importance of ASEAN solidification to use the association as a single forum for resolving disputes in the North Natuna conflict. [5] ASEAN has so far transformed from an economic-political cooperation organization into a multi-sector organization that encourages growth and creates regional stability in an integral and comprehensive manner. The ASEAN Political-Security Community (APSC), which is oriented to be the main forum for collective decision-making to create security stability in the Southeast Asia region, especially the SCS, is targeted to complete its formation in 2025.…”
Since the early 21st century, ASEAN and China have been entangled in a conflict over the Nine Dash Line, claiming Southeast Asian territory in the South China Sea. Negotiations, culminating in the 2002 DoC agreement, aimed to peacefully address the conflict and discuss the CoC. This study uses a juridical-normative approach to determine the potentiality of the ASEAN Way principles integration strategy in resolving the conflict. This study finds ASEAN unity is seen as a key solution to strengthen the standing of Southeast Asian countries in countering China's dominance in the region. With the ASEAN Way. ASEAN, guided by the ASEAN Way, seeks peaceful resolution in South China Sea conflicts. The 1992 Declaration and 2022 ASEAN-China DoC lack clear sovereign boundaries. Unified ASEAN support in ongoing CoC discussions is crucial for resolution. China's NDL claim jeopardizes ASEAN's sovereignty, demanding collective efforts, especially during Indonesia's 2023 ASEAN chairmanship, for legal resolution and conflict prevention.
“…The LCD I2C module sends data to the LCD which will display the temperature data. The data displayed on the LCD shows the measured temperature results (Hsu, 2003;Fernandes et al, 2021;Jackman, 2020).…”
Making a model of the air temperature in the pan to see the difference with 7 DS18B20 sensors based on the Atmega328 microcontroller aimed at the temperature between air temperature, air surface temperature, and air base temperature. Indonesia has a very wide ocean area and the natural resources in its sea area are not maximized. The use of a pan is a prototype of the breadth and depth of the ocean. making this model can also predict the location of fish and the growth of coral reefs. This temperature modeling is carried out in the evaporation pan with 7 sensors with 2 sensors in the air, 2 sensors on the surface of the water, and 3 sensors at the bottom of the evaporation pan to look for changes in temperature on the sensor and compare it with a mercury thermometer and then see the level of stability of the data. from the obtained graph. The DS18B20 sensor, which has an accuracy of ±0.5?, will be more stable than the mercury thermometer owned by the Geofusuka Station Class II Sanglah Denpasar.
<p><em>The purpose of this study is to elaborate the urgency of resolving the Chinese and Indonesian Nine Dash Line conflict in North Natuna waters. As a strategic area with economic resource value and important global shipping lanes, the creation of a sense of security and legal certainty is an unavoidable necessity. The method used in the research is juridical-normative, with a review of laws and regulations, international legal norms, and international arbitration jurisprudence related to China's claims to the South China Sea and North Natuna. International jurisdiction based on UNCLOS 1982 establishes North Natuna as part of Indonesia's EEZ with sovereign rights. China's claims and direct intervention against North Natuna are illegal and violate the norms of international law. In this regard, differences in views and national interests between Indonesia and China result in a number of potential conflicts in North Natuna, including the entry of fishing boats and Chinese coastal patrols. In contrast to a number of related literature, this study specifically provides strategic considerations related to the most potential approach in conflict resolution, namely through ASEAN-China collective diplomacy with the Code of Conduct. Identification of conflict resolution strategies is a fundamental and urgent aspect in this study, with comprehensive consideration related to the causes, interests, and projects of conflict resolution that occurred in North Natuna.</em></p><p> </p><p>Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk mengelaborasi urgensitas penyelesaian konflik <em>Nine Dash Line</em> Tiongkok dan Indonesia di perairan Natuna Utara. Sebagai kawasan strategis dengan nilai sumberdaya ekonomi dan jalur perlintasan pelayaran global yang penting, penciptaan rasa aman dan kepastian hukum menjadi kebutuhan yang tidak dapat dihindari. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian adalah yuridis-normatif, dengan pengkajian terhadap peraturan perundang-undangan, norma hukum internasional, serta yurisprudensi arbitrase internasional terkait dengan klaim Tiongkok atas Laut Tiongkok Selatan dan Natuna Utara. Yurisdiksi internasional berdasarkan UNCLOS 1982 menetapkan Natuna Utara sebagai bagian ZEE Indonesia dengan hak berdaulat. Klaim dan intervensi langsung Tiongkok terhadap Natuna Utara adalah bentuk tindakan ilegal dan menyalahi norma hukum internasional. Dalam hal ini, perbedaan cara pandang dan kepentingan nasional antara Indonesia dan Tiongkok menghasilkan sejumlah potensi konflik di Natuna Utara, termasuk diantaranya dengan masuknya kapal nelayan dan patroli pantai Tiongkok. Berbeda dengan sejumlah literatur terkait, penelitian ini secara spesifik memberikan pertimbangan strategis terkait pendekatan yang paling potensial dalam resolusi konflik, yakni melalui diplomasi kolektif ASEAN-Tiongkok dengan <em>Code of Conduct</em>. Identifikasi strategi resolusi konflik merupakan aspek yang fundamental dan urgentif dalam penelitian ini, dengan pertimbangan komprehensif terkait dengan penyebab, kepentingan, dan proyekni penyelesaian konflik yang terjadi di Natuna Utara.</p><p><strong> </strong></p><p align="center"><strong><em> </em></strong></p>
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