State Power and Military Nationalism in Latin America

Horowitz, Irving Louis; Trimberger, Ellen Kay

doi:10.2307/421327

Cited by 22 publications

(7 citation statements)

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“…Most often, authoritarian regimes begin with particularly harsh accumulation policies, but then become more sensitive to consumption pressures as they attempt to negotiate a transition back to democracy. In a few cases, however, (e.g., Ecuador 1972-1976and Peru 1968-1975, authoritarian regimes initially attempted populist policies before pressure from the capitalist class forced them to adopt more (orthodox) anticonsumptionist programs. Yet these regimes also gave greater emphasis to consumption policies as transitions to democracy progressed (Handelman 1981, pp.…”

Section: Democratic Structures Allow Popular Expression Of Consumptiomentioning

confidence: 98%

“…Third, the lack of a strong internal market for consumer goods, although preventing neither economic growth nor industrialization (Evans 1979;Horowitz and Trimberger 1976), has severely constrained the ability of dependent nations to escape dependency. Industrialization has occurred in dependent societies (in some countries more than others and especially since 1945), but the limits on the local consumer market have acted consistently as a brake to sustained accumulation (Furtado 1970, p. 92;Singer 1985, p. 30).…”

Section: Although a Few Neo-marxists Argue That Incorporation Into Thmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Foundations of Class Compromise: A Theoretical Basis for Understanding Diverse Patterns of Regime Outcomes

Neuhouser¹

1993

Sociological Theory

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Section: Democratic Structures Allow Popular Expression Of Consumptiomentioning

confidence: 98%

Section: Although a Few Neo-marxists Argue That Incorporation Into Thmentioning

confidence: 99%

Foundations of Class Compromise: A Theoretical Basis for Understanding Diverse Patterns of Regime Outcomes

Neuhouser¹

1993

Sociological Theory

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“…A pervasive view in the neo-Marxist literature is that the state becomes stronger and more autonomous when class conflict is balanced (Miliband 1983, Poulantzas 1973, Anderson 1974, Draper 1977, Horowitz & Trimberger 1976. This stance represents a movement toward functionalism, but the central focus is on the requirements of capital rather than on the putative requirements of the system as a whole (Giddens 1981).…”

Section: State Economy and World Systemmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Conflicts over the legitimacy of particular notions of capital should not obscure these facts(MacPherson 1962), which are fundamental in socialist states also.World systems theorists simply shift this issue onto a world scale, proposing three key notions. see studies on early Western Europe (Tilly 1975), nineteenth-century United States (Skowronek 1982), twentieth century foreign policy (Krasner 1978 , Katzenstein 1978, McGowan & Kegley 1983), national urban policies (Fainstein &Fainstein 1978), and the dominance of political and milita.ry elites in several countries(Stepan 1978, Horowitz & Trimberger 1976, de Carvalho 1982]. Third, there is continuing competition for the position of core state, i.e.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

The Expansion of the State

Thomas¹,

Meyer

1984

Annu. Rev. Sociol.

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The state has come to be a major focus of political and historical sociology in recent years. In the growing literature, there appears to be an underemphasis on the cultural and institutional contexts of the state's emergence and expansion.Two distinct issues are crucial: (a) the evolution of society as a collective actor, including the establishment of sovereignty and the expansion of its jurisdiction; and (b) the degree to which this sovereignty and jurisdiction are structured within a particular bureaucratic organization. We first review studies of the emergence of states in formerly stateless polities. We then discuss the process es of state formation and nation building in the Western system. Finally, we review more specialized theoretical works concerning classes, the world econ omy, and the construction of national institutions. The literature discussed has added considerably to macrosociology. More work is needed, however, in which the state is viewed as an institution that is essentially cultural in nature and that derives from a wider rationalizing project.Sociological interest in states as social institutions has expanded in recent years. More attention has always been paid to this topic in Europe, but even there it often has been a secondary theme. American sociologists have ignored the state, concentrating on voters, interest groups, power arrangements, and so on. The forces that engendered this situation deserve consideration, since they continue to create difficulties in sociological thinking about the state. Sociolo-461

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“…Thus; both Horowitz (1969) and Ropp (1970) may be unduly optimistic with respect to the hypothesized association between urban origins and reformist inclinations. Contrasts between great wealth and destitution are especially vivid in rural areas, where there is also greater propensity for physical proximity, social contact, and at times even personal relationships.…”

Section: Experiential Patterns and Analytic Perspectivesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Military Radicalism in Latin America

Wolpin

1981

J. inter-Am. stud. world aff.

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JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.. Center for Latin American Studies at the University of Miami is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs. Analyses of military roles in LatinAmerica during the two decades following World War II often assumed the military were both isolated or apart from politics, and hence amenable to civilian control. The resurgence of militarism since the early Sixties has been reflected in scholarly works reassessing these assumptions. Whereas the pioneers in this field, such as Lieuwen (1964) and Needler (1969), are clearly civilianist-reflecting a democratic and distinctly liberal bias in their values-students of Latin American militarism in the late Sixties and Seventies have increasingly, if tacitly, assumed the unviability of civilian hegemony and tended to downplay the democratic normative issue. Terms such as militarism, democracy, and civilian supremacy have been virtually eclipsed from analyses of military intervention (Johnson, 1964;Einaudi, 1969;Ropp, 1970;Stepan, 1971;Rankin, 1974;Needler, 1975;Fitch, 1979).Regardless of how one assesses the legitimacy of domestic militarism, the new scholarship has undoubtedly increased the precision and extended the range of our understanding. The armed forces are conceptualized as an integral component of Latin American political systems rather than as an isolated, AUTHOR'S NOTE: The author wishes to express his appreciation to John Saxe Fernandez and Octavio Rodriguez Aranjo of UNAM for facilitating this research, and to Liisa North for her criticism. 396 JOURNAL OF INTERAMERICAN STUDIES AND WORLD AFFAIRS nonpolitical institution. At the same time, there has been a healthy decline in reification as the focus of analysis is refined to include intramilitary factional, and even individual, actors. AsStepan (1971) demonstrated in hissuperb study of the Brazilian Armed Forces, even within one service, career experiences and socialization may vary so markedly that, given appropriate leadership, one faction is prepared to use arms in defense of increasingly radical leftist policies.The present study's objective is to ascertain what cluster of career and background characteristics is most likely to be associated with military radicalism of the left and right. In doing this, there is an assumption that ideologically, armed forces, regardless of the degree of professionalization, are neither invariably unified nor isolated from other political sectors. While it may well be true (Vagts, 1959;Nun, 1969;Lang, 1972;Abrahamsson, 1972) that insofar as they become politicized, military officers are more likely to opt for the right, this is not necessarily engendered by conservativism...

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State Power and Military Nationalism in Latin America

Cited by 22 publications

References 0 publications

Foundations of Class Compromise: A Theoretical Basis for Understanding Diverse Patterns of Regime Outcomes

Foundations of Class Compromise: A Theoretical Basis for Understanding Diverse Patterns of Regime Outcomes

The Expansion of the State

Military Radicalism in Latin America

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