State Capacity in Postconflict Settings: Explaining Criminal Violence in El Salvador and Guatemala

Richani, Nazih

doi:10.1080/13698249.2010.534630

Cited by 32 publications

(30 citation statements)

References 8 publications

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“…). The homicide rate is a widely used proxy for levels of public order, both in historical studies of state formation (e.g., Eisner ; Gurr ; Soifer ) and in cross‐country comparisons of state capacity (Richani , ).…”

Section: Hypothesesmentioning

confidence: 99%

How State Capacity Varies within Frontier States: A Multicountry Subnational Analysis

Foa

Nemirovskaya

2015

Governance

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While there is a growing literature on state formation and the rise of state capacity over time, this literature typically deals with differences between countries, neglecting the fact that state formation also occurs differentially within a country over time. This article examines legacies of state formation spatially, by looking at variation within “frontier” states—countries that in recent centuries have extended rule over new territories adjacent to their core regions. Frontier zones are found to have ongoing lower levels of public order and deficient public goods provision. Several theories are examined to explain this discrepancy, including internal resettlement, costs of monitoring and enforcement, and the relationship between settlers and the indigenous population. It is argued that the formation of strong social institutions among settlers leads to resistance to attempts to impose governance over frontier regions, and to “select for” lower fiscal capacity and lower provision of public goods.

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Section: Hypothesesmentioning

confidence: 99%

How State Capacity Varies within Frontier States: A Multicountry Subnational Analysis

Foa

Nemirovskaya

2015

Governance

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“…After the wars, the guerrilla groups in Guatemala and El Salvador were demobilized and integrated into their respective political system (Richani, 2010). In Tilly's understanding, this could be viewed as a way of monopolizing violence by the state through the pacification of internal rivals, and in theory, offering them protection in exchange.…”

Section: The Modern State Vs Violent Non-state Actorsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Since the end of the conflicts, Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras saw an apparent proliferation of other non-state armed actors like transnational drug trafficking organizations, and the Maras, which joined existing street gangs after mass deportations of criminalized Central American migrants from the United States (Richani, 2010). The wide availability of weapons after the conflicts and the social and economic consequences of them contributed to the strengthening of these groups (Pedraza Fariña, et.…”

Section: The Modern State Vs Violent Non-state Actorsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The Journal of Intelligence, Conflict and Warfare in Guatemala committed numerous human right abuses, especially against the different indigenous groups, and the Guatemalan government used 'death squads' to carry out targeted killings and torture suspected insurgents (Richani, 2010). Bunk and Fowler (2012) describe the state of Guatemala as 'the continuation of war by other means' and argue that since its consolidation as a state, it has been characterized by exceptional violent political life.…”

Section: The Modern State Vs Violent Non-state Actorsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Guatemala was the country with the lengthiest civil war, and only became a modern democracy again until 1986, following authoritarian military regimes that were supported by the United States (Richani, 2010). The civil conflict was mainly directed to rural areas -which have been systematically marginalized since the colonial period-where most of the land reform movements originated (Booth and Walker, 1993).…”

Section: The Modern State Vs Violent Non-state Actorsmentioning

confidence: 99%

See 2 more Smart Citations

Why Are Violent Non-State Actors Able to Persist in the Context of the Modern State?

Penski¹

2018

JICW

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Ethnoracial patterns of violence in Guatemala: An empirical examination of the relationship between Mayan‐majority municipalities and homicide rates in Guatemala

Lesniewski¹,

Kang

Qin

et al. 2021

Journal Community Psychology

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The current study empirically tests the relationship between homicide rates and the population of indigenous Mayans at the municipal level in Guatemala. Using data from the most recent Guatemalan Census (2018) and independently aggregated national police data on homicides, we also propose models of possible pathways for the relationship between the ethnoracial composition of municipal population and homicide rates. Due to consistent non-normal distribution of demographic data in Guatemala, we used a maximum likelihood estimation of linear regression models and nonparametric bootstrapping method to test the theoretical relationships. The results showed a strong negative relationship between Mayan majority municipalities and homicide rates, mediated by living in municipality of birth. Findings suggest that attachment to place in Mayan majority municipalities in Guatemala is a strong protective factor for exposure to homicide, even in areas of high out-migration.

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State Capacity in Postconflict Settings: Explaining Criminal Violence in El Salvador and Guatemala

Cited by 32 publications

References 8 publications

How State Capacity Varies within Frontier States: A Multicountry Subnational Analysis

How State Capacity Varies within Frontier States: A Multicountry Subnational Analysis

Why Are Violent Non-State Actors Able to Persist in the Context of the Modern State?

Ethnoracial patterns of violence in Guatemala: An empirical examination of the relationship between Mayan‐majority municipalities and homicide rates in Guatemala

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