Abstract:Across 11 studies involving six countries from four continents (n = 3,285), we extend insights from field investigations in conflict zones to offline and online surveys to show that personal spiritual formidability—the conviction and immaterial resources (values, strengths of beliefs, character) of a person to fight—is positively associated with the will to fight and sacrifice for others. The physical formidability of groups in conflict has long been promoted as the primary factor in human decisions to fight o… Show more
“…Further research shows that a perception of spiritual strength is more strongly associated with willingness to fight and sacrifice, than physical strength. This spiritual strength is mediated through group bonds where trust between group members is maximized (Tossell et al, 2022).…”
The character of armed conflict has changed dramatically. The use of overwhelming force no longer brings victory and success. Under what conditions do supposedly weaker conflict actors ‘outpower’ stronger actors? This article argues that, throughout human history, those most willing to engage in and sustain extreme conflict have not been rational actors but ‘devoted actors’ driven by faith in defending or advancing their non-negotiable ‘sacred values’, whether religious or secular. Bringing into dialogue insights from large group psychology, neuroscience, and epigenetics with political science, this article demonstrates how two factors can help explain apparently non-rational elements of human functioning during armed conflict: first, the biological substrate helps elucidate why and how rational actor models seem to underestimate the influence of ‘right and wrong’ in people’s behaviour; second, the complex psychology of large groups often drives people to engage in action that may not be in their own individual interests.
“…Further research shows that a perception of spiritual strength is more strongly associated with willingness to fight and sacrifice, than physical strength. This spiritual strength is mediated through group bonds where trust between group members is maximized (Tossell et al, 2022).…”
The character of armed conflict has changed dramatically. The use of overwhelming force no longer brings victory and success. Under what conditions do supposedly weaker conflict actors ‘outpower’ stronger actors? This article argues that, throughout human history, those most willing to engage in and sustain extreme conflict have not been rational actors but ‘devoted actors’ driven by faith in defending or advancing their non-negotiable ‘sacred values’, whether religious or secular. Bringing into dialogue insights from large group psychology, neuroscience, and epigenetics with political science, this article demonstrates how two factors can help explain apparently non-rational elements of human functioning during armed conflict: first, the biological substrate helps elucidate why and how rational actor models seem to underestimate the influence of ‘right and wrong’ in people’s behaviour; second, the complex psychology of large groups often drives people to engage in action that may not be in their own individual interests.
“…Our research was inspired by the theory and findings of Fessler and colleagues (e.g., Fessler et al, 2012, 2023; Fessler & Holbrook, 2013, 2016) on formidability, but our primary goal was not further substantiation of their results or approach. Rather, the current work followed the recent direction of Gómez et al (2017, 2023) and Tossell et al (2022) that highlighted distinctions with respect to formidability. Our research, in its conceptualization and method, focused on physical formidability.…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 96%
“…Although the present research drew heavily on the theory and method developed by Fessler and colleagues, our work was further guided by the approach of Gómez et al (2017Gómez et al ( , 2023 and Tossell et al (2022). The particular focus of the three current studies was on the physical facet of formidability, also extending research on interpersonal coalitions to intergroup allies.…”
Section: Backgrou N Dmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Fessler and colleagues (Fessler et al, 2012, 2023; Fessler & Holbrook, 2013, 2016; Holbrook et al, 2016) have conducted important, pioneering work over the past decade on the formidability representation hypothesis, which states that formidability encompasses multiple assets and liabilities that contribute to fighting ability and that are cognitively encapsulated in a single representation with two conceptual dimensions: size (stature) and strength (muscularity). While recognizing the theoretical position and empirical support that cognitive representations of size and strength (i.e., envisioned physical formidability), through evolutionary processes, generally are affected by factors other than physicality, Gómez et al (2017, 2023) and Tossell et al (2022) distinguished between two facets of formidability – physical and spiritual.…”
Coalitions among individuals and between groups, which have had critical evolutionary benefits for humans, play an important role in contemporary life. One key element of the processes of assessing potential allies is how they may contribute to the perceived physical formidability – fighting ability or the capacity to inflict costs on others – of the alliance. In three studies, focused for the first time on intergroup coalitions, we investigated how qualities of the groups such as status (social prestige) and the relationship between them influence the perceived physical formidability of a coalition (i.e., European Union, EU). Study 1 found that the inclusion of a group with higher or similar (but not lower) status increased the perceived formidability of the EU. Studies 2 and 3 showed that learning that ingroup members recategorized a low‐status group within a common‐group identity increased the perceived formidability of the EU including that group, compared with the conditions in which either outgroup members recategorized or no information was provided. Study 3 also revealed mediation by fusion – a visceral connection – with outgroup members, which has been relatively unexplored. Taken together, these studies reveal that both, status and social identity processes, may significantly affect the estimations of coalitional formidability.
“…Our previous experience conducting field work with individuals at different levels of radicalization and with people who combat violent extremists provides a solid background for identifying barriers and potential solutions to the problems entailed by the research on terrorism. In particular, we conducted studies with individuals under risk of violent radicalization in Casablanca and Tetouan (Sheikh et al, 2016); supporters of militant global jihadism (Hamid et al, 2019); Islamist Pakistanis supporting the Kashmiri cause (Pretus et al, 2019); incarcerated individuals accused of jihadist terrorism (Gómez et al, 2022; Gómez, Bélanger, et al, 2021, Gómez, Chiclana, et al, 2022); the Islamic State of/in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) fighters captured in Iraq (Gómez et al, 2017); former members of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) and Islamist radical groups (Gómez, Martínez, et al, 2021); and combatants fighting against the Islamic State, including Peshmerga (Kurdish Regional Government Forces), Iraqi Army Kurds, and Arab Sunni militia (Gómez et al, 2017); as well as cadets of the US Force Academy (Tossell et al, 2022). Our aim with this brief report is that the lessons we have learned through the study of the underlying mechanisms of violent extremism might be helpful to those interested in empirically meeting the challenge of investigating terrorism in the future.…”
Imagine that you are a researcher interested in disentangling the underlying mechanisms that motivate certain individuals to self-sacrifice for a group or an ideology. Now, visualize that you are one of a few privileged that have the possibility of interviewing people who have been involved in some of the most dramatic terrorist attacks in history. What should you do? Most investigations focused on terrorism do not include empirical data and just a handful of fortunate have made face-to-face interviews with these individuals. Therefore, we might conclude that most experts in the field have not directly met the challenge of experiencing studying violent radicalization in person. As members of a research team who have talked with individuals under risk of radicalization, current, and former terrorists, our main goal with this manuscript is to synopsize a series of ten potential barriers that those interested in the subject might find when making fieldwork, and alternatives to solve them. If all the efforts made by investigators could save the life of a potential victim, prevent an individual from becoming radicalized, or make him/her decide to abandon the violence associated with terrorism, all our work will have been worthwhile.
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