Specters of Marx

Derrida, Jacques; Kamuf, Peggy; Magnus, Bernd; Cullenberg, Stephen

doi:10.4324/9780203821619

Cited by 987 publications

(204 citation statements)

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“…Recently, engagements with phenomenology in geography have been more existential in nature, working through phenomenologists including Merleau‐Ponty () and Heidegger () and post‐structuralist thinkers who directly engaged with and critiqued phenomenology, such as Derrida () and Deleuze (). These positions have often revolved around the key issue of landscape.…”

Section: Phenomenology Relationality Objects and Spacementioning

confidence: 99%

Post‐phenomenology and space: A geography of comprehension, form and power

Ash

2019

Trans Inst British Geog

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Post‐phenomenological geographies have critiqued the idea that the world appears for humans alone. In turn, these geographies have begun to develop concepts to investigate the way entities appear to one another in ways that exceed or confound human sense, while recognising that these entities can only be investigated through human modes of access. Addressing the absence of explicit spatial theorisation in this literature, the paper develops a post‐phenomenological account of space. Building on relational and phenomenological geographies and expanding the work of Tristan Garcia, the paper analyses space in terms of the comprehension and form of entities. In doing so, it defines space as a dual process of differentiation and distanciation that produces different modes of nearness and farness that are specific to the intercomprehension of particular entities. Through this analysis the paper offers an account of power as tied to the spatiality of entities, where power is defined as the inequality of comprehensions between entities and how these inequalities are designed to provoke and encourage particular forms of engagement.

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Section: Phenomenology Relationality Objects and Spacementioning

confidence: 99%

Post‐phenomenology and space: A geography of comprehension, form and power

Ash

2019

Trans Inst British Geog

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“…For "at a certain point, promise and decision, which is to say responsibility, owe their possibility to the ordeal of indecisive nature of something which will always remain their condition." 50 He repeatedly stressed that, if there is an easy decision to make, and only a set of rules to follow, or a program to implement, there is, in fact, no decision to be made, therefore, no responsibility to be taken.…”

Section: The Question Of Language and Languagesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Derrida warned that there is danger in settling for an easy consensus, for "transparency," since while "claiming to speak in the name of intelligibility, good sense, common sense, or [supposedly] the democratic ethic, this discourse tends, by means of these very things, and as if naturally, to discredit anything that complicates this model" 52 As soon as we settle for a common space, we turn all possibilities into a program or into an "onto-theological or teleo-eschatological scheme." 53 Derrida defined "the condition of possibility of this thing called responsibility" as "a certain experience and experiment of the possibility of the impossible: the testing of the aporia from which one may invent the only possible invention, the impossible invention." 54 He also showed how closely related aporia, responsibility and ethics are declaring: "ethics, politics and responsibility, if there are any, will only ever have begun with the experience and the experiment of the aporia."…”

Section: The Question Of Language and Languagesmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Challenge of Democratic Education in the European Union

Egéa¹

2019

What’s New in the New Europe? Redefining Culture, Politics, Identity

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hen East European countries joined the European Union, linguistic and cultural diversity increased, and generated new conflicts even as some attempt was made to use diversity to build a stronger democracy and develop Education for Democratic Citizenship (EDC). 2 In recent decades, such problems have been sharply exacerbated by the largest inflow of refugees ever to sweep over Europe. Languages are being promoted 3 while they pose a serious challenge when some people are denied the right to keep their na-1 This text is an updated version of a shorter paper published in Critical Essays on Contemporary European Culture and Society, ed. U. W. Beitter (New York, NY: Peter Lang Publishing, 2003), 42-52. 2 The Education for Democratic Citizenship (EDC) project was initiated in 1997. Its aim was to identify (a) which values and skills individuals needed in order to become actively engaged citizens; (b) how they can acquire those skills; and (c) how they can learn to pass them on to others. In 2010, the Council of Europe Charter on Education for Democratic Citizenship and Human Rights Education was adopted by the Organisation's 47 member states in the framework of Recommendation CM/Rec(2010)7. On 28-29 November 2012, in Strasbourg, France, over two hundred participants from all over Europe and beyond attended the Conference on "Human Rights and Democracy in Action-Looking Ahead: The impact of the Council of Europe Charter on Education for Democratic Citizenship and Human Rights Education." 3 As the European Year of Languages 2001 began developing projects in almost all European countries and in many cities, and European educational systems were asked to integrate the "European dimension" in their syllabi, the question of languages became more than ever a serious challenge in Europe. On the eve of the closing event of the Year, the Council of Europe Committee of Ministers decided to declare a "European Day of Languages" on 26 September each year, to celebrate linguistic diversity, plurilingualism, and lifelong language learning.

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“…9 However, even critics such as Jacques Derrida 10 with what Derrida describes as the illusion of "victorious capitalism in a liberal democracy which has finally arrived at the plenitude of its ideals". 11 Fukuyama identified a number of key elements that combine to constitute capitalism's victorious End of History. These are the failures of neo-liberalism's rivals, universal equality, democratic participatory citizenship, dignified labor, and instrumentally virtuous consumerism.…”

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confidence: 99%

Children, Youth, and American Television

Schober¹,

Olson²

2018

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Fukuyaman neo-liberal children" Both popular and academic discourses on The Cosby Show have focused on the eponymous family's post-racial representation. Challenging historically negative television and film depictions of the African American as an exotic and/or savage 'Other', the program's upper middle-class professional family presented 1980s white America with an image of blackness that had been fully assimilated into hegemonic culture. Academic analyses of this acculturation have considered both the impact of this ostensibly positive depiction of the black family for white audiences, 1 and the subtle traces of African American social and cultural experiences which appealed to black audiences. 2 Discourses about the show's children have also positioned the characters' relationships with their white contemporaries within a post-racial context, 3 so that they undergo the same kind of bildungsroman angst and trajectory as other, whiter, 1980s coming-of-age narratives, without any particular experience rooted in racial difference. This essay situates the show's children within a wider post-racial context that dominated American political and social culture during the period 1984-1992 when the show ran. This was the era of triumphant Reaganomics, punctuated by the fall of the Berlin Wall, and bookended with Francis Fukuyama's influential panegyric to neo-liberalism's victory over every other possible form of ideology, The End of History and the Last Man 4. The Cosby Show's professional American nuclear family is post-racial not only because of the gradual impact of socio-cultural and legal developments emanating from the Civil Rights movement. Even more fundamentally, the enormous popularity of the show's Huxtable family, amongst both black and white audiences, in America and beyond, 5 encapsulates Fukuyama's color-blind ideological modela celebration of hard work and cooperation leading to the enjoyable consumption of plenty, with any inconvenient impediments to this vision, such as race, class, gender or sexuality, overcome through virtuous labor and consumption. The show's children, inheritors of the End of History, are the central drivers and beneficiaries of this process.

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Specters of Marx

Cited by 987 publications

References 0 publications

Post‐phenomenology and space: A geography of comprehension, form and power

Post‐phenomenology and space: A geography of comprehension, form and power

The Challenge of Democratic Education in the European Union

Children, Youth, and American Television

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