Abstract:Research demonstrates that object functions facilitate artifact categorization in infancy. To explicate the nature and magnitude of this effect, 16-month-olds participated in three studies. In Experiment 1, categorization was facilitated more by object functions than by distinctive motions, suggesting that the motion properties of function cannot fully explain its influence. In Experiment 2, infants failed to categorize when each category exemplar performed a different function, thus revealing the importance o… Show more
“…1). Finally, some authors propose that, from 4 months, knowledge about object functions facilitates the categorical representation of artefacts (Stavans & Baillargeon, 2018 ; see Futó et al, 2010 ; Horst et al, 2005 with 10-month-olds; Booth & Waxman, 2002 ; Booth et al, 2010 with 14-month-old children). This evidence supports the possibility that first concepts are not motivated solely by perceptual similarities.…”
Section: Resultsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…4 Sample/subsample sizes. Densities and means for each distribution 1987), (ii) whether concepts are based on perceptual (e.g., Fagan, 1976;Welder & Graham, 2006) or functional object attributes (e.g., Booth et al, 2010;Nelson, 1973), (iii) whether basic-level (e.g., Mervis & Crisafi, 1982) or global-level categories (e.g., Mandler & McDonough, 1993;Rostad et al, 2012;Quinn, 2004) are developed first, (iv) whether the structure of concepts resembles that of a complex scientific theory (e.g., Gopnik, 1984) or is formed by everyday particular encounter with objects (e.g., Tomasello, 1999), (v) whether conceptual knowledge is organised in partonomies rather than taxonomies (e.g., Tversky & Hemenway, 1984) and (vi) whether language is essential to concept formation (e.g., Ferry et al, 2010;Xu, 1998) 3 . This links to the debate on the value of empirical indicators considered in each methodological perspective.…”
“…It should be noted that the disparateness of concepts under research is due, at least in part, to differences between the theories that underlie empirical undertakings and between the hypotheses that these theories seek to validate. Thus, some of the theoretical debates concern, for instance, whether in early development (i) concepts are prototypical representations (e.g., Rosch, 1998 ) or represent sets of exemplars (e.g., Hayne et al, 1987 ), (ii) whether concepts are based on perceptual (e.g., Fagan, 1976 ; Welder & Graham, 2006 ) or functional object attributes (e.g., Booth et al, 2010 ; Nelson, 1973 ), (iii) whether basic-level (e.g., Mervis & Crisafi, 1982 ) or global-level categories (e.g., Mandler & McDonough, 1993 ; Rostad et al, 2012 ; Quinn, 2004 ) are developed first, (iv) whether the structure of concepts resembles that of a complex scientific theory (e.g., Gopnik, 1984 ) or is formed by everyday particular encounter with objects (e.g., Tomasello, 1999 ), (v) whether conceptual knowledge is organised in partonomies rather than taxonomies (e.g., Tversky & Hemenway, 1984 ) and (vi) whether language is essential to concept formation (e.g., Ferry et al, 2010 ; Xu, 1998 ) 3 . …”
We present a systematic and qualitative review of academic literature on early conceptual development (0-24 months of age), with an emphasis on methodological aspects. The final sample of our review included 281 studies reported in 115 articles. The main aims of the article were four: first, to organise studies into sets according to methodological similarities and differences; second, to elaborate on the methodological procedures that characterise each set; third, to circumscribe the empirical indicators that different sets of studies consider as proof of the existence of concepts in early childhood; last, to identify methodological limitations and to propose possible ways to overcome them. We grouped the studies into five sets: preference and habituation experiments, category extension tasks, object sorting tasks, sequential touching tasks and object examination tasks. In the "Results" section, we review the core features of each set of studies. In the "Discussion" and "Conclusions" sections, we describe, for one thing, the most relevant methodological shortcomings. We end by arguing that a situated, semiotic and pragmatic perspective that emphasises the importance of ecological validity could open up new avenues of research to better understand the development of concepts in early childhood.
“…1). Finally, some authors propose that, from 4 months, knowledge about object functions facilitates the categorical representation of artefacts (Stavans & Baillargeon, 2018 ; see Futó et al, 2010 ; Horst et al, 2005 with 10-month-olds; Booth & Waxman, 2002 ; Booth et al, 2010 with 14-month-old children). This evidence supports the possibility that first concepts are not motivated solely by perceptual similarities.…”
Section: Resultsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…4 Sample/subsample sizes. Densities and means for each distribution 1987), (ii) whether concepts are based on perceptual (e.g., Fagan, 1976;Welder & Graham, 2006) or functional object attributes (e.g., Booth et al, 2010;Nelson, 1973), (iii) whether basic-level (e.g., Mervis & Crisafi, 1982) or global-level categories (e.g., Mandler & McDonough, 1993;Rostad et al, 2012;Quinn, 2004) are developed first, (iv) whether the structure of concepts resembles that of a complex scientific theory (e.g., Gopnik, 1984) or is formed by everyday particular encounter with objects (e.g., Tomasello, 1999), (v) whether conceptual knowledge is organised in partonomies rather than taxonomies (e.g., Tversky & Hemenway, 1984) and (vi) whether language is essential to concept formation (e.g., Ferry et al, 2010;Xu, 1998) 3 . This links to the debate on the value of empirical indicators considered in each methodological perspective.…”
“…It should be noted that the disparateness of concepts under research is due, at least in part, to differences between the theories that underlie empirical undertakings and between the hypotheses that these theories seek to validate. Thus, some of the theoretical debates concern, for instance, whether in early development (i) concepts are prototypical representations (e.g., Rosch, 1998 ) or represent sets of exemplars (e.g., Hayne et al, 1987 ), (ii) whether concepts are based on perceptual (e.g., Fagan, 1976 ; Welder & Graham, 2006 ) or functional object attributes (e.g., Booth et al, 2010 ; Nelson, 1973 ), (iii) whether basic-level (e.g., Mervis & Crisafi, 1982 ) or global-level categories (e.g., Mandler & McDonough, 1993 ; Rostad et al, 2012 ; Quinn, 2004 ) are developed first, (iv) whether the structure of concepts resembles that of a complex scientific theory (e.g., Gopnik, 1984 ) or is formed by everyday particular encounter with objects (e.g., Tomasello, 1999 ), (v) whether conceptual knowledge is organised in partonomies rather than taxonomies (e.g., Tversky & Hemenway, 1984 ) and (vi) whether language is essential to concept formation (e.g., Ferry et al, 2010 ; Xu, 1998 ) 3 . …”
We present a systematic and qualitative review of academic literature on early conceptual development (0-24 months of age), with an emphasis on methodological aspects. The final sample of our review included 281 studies reported in 115 articles. The main aims of the article were four: first, to organise studies into sets according to methodological similarities and differences; second, to elaborate on the methodological procedures that characterise each set; third, to circumscribe the empirical indicators that different sets of studies consider as proof of the existence of concepts in early childhood; last, to identify methodological limitations and to propose possible ways to overcome them. We grouped the studies into five sets: preference and habituation experiments, category extension tasks, object sorting tasks, sequential touching tasks and object examination tasks. In the "Results" section, we review the core features of each set of studies. In the "Discussion" and "Conclusions" sections, we describe, for one thing, the most relevant methodological shortcomings. We end by arguing that a situated, semiotic and pragmatic perspective that emphasises the importance of ecological validity could open up new avenues of research to better understand the development of concepts in early childhood.
“…For example, 11-monthold infants are able to categorize different animal figures (e.g., a giraffe and a crocodile) and different furniture figures (e.g., a chair and a bed) as two contrasting and global kinds (Pauen, 2002), even though the degree of similarity between kinds was lower than the degree of similarity within kinds (e.g., Mandler & McDonough 1993;1998). Infants this same age have also been shown to categorize artifacts based on relevant functional information rather than their overall perceptual similarity (Trauble & Pauen, 2007), but only when object and function are causally connected (Booth, 2008;Booth, Schuler, & Zajicek, 2010;Gopnik & Sobel, 2000). In this way, infants, like adults, seem to represent function as a critical property of artifact kinds (Hernik & Csibra, 2009), and use kind membership as a more reliable source of information to categorize animals than perceptual similarity.…”
People's explanations about the biological world are heavily biased toward internal, non-obvious properties. Adults and children as young as 5 years of age find internal properties more causally central than external features for explaining general biological processes and category membership. In this paper, we describe how this 'internal property bias' may be grounded in two different developmental precursors observed in studies with infants: (1) an early understanding of biological agency that is apparent in infants' reasoning about animals, and (2) the acquisition of kind-based representations that distinguish between essential and accidental properties, spanning from animals to artifacts. We argue that these precursors may support the progressive construction of the notion of biological kinds and explanations during childhood. Shortly after their first year of life, infants seem to represent the internal properties of animates as more central and identity-determining that external properties. Over time, this skeletal notion of biological kinds is integrated into diverse explanations about kind membership and biological processes, with an increasingly better understanding of the causal role of internal properties.
“…In each case, the link between the artifact's outward physical structure and function could not easily be deduced, and the finding that infants assigned the lamp and the radio to separate categories (and hence succeeded at the task) only when given ostensive‐communicative signals was most likely due to this causal opacity. As in the work of Futó et al., much of the research on infants’ ability to form function‐based categories has used causally opaque artifacts with infants age 10 months and older (e.g., Baumgartner & Oakes, ; Booth, Schuler, & Zajicek, ; Booth & Waxman, ; Hernik & Csibra, ; Oakes & Madole, ). In this research, pedagogical signals have also been found to bolster infants’ encoding of functional information, by conveying that what may seem an arbitrary association (e.g., pulling a lever and lights flashing) actually represents an enduring causal relation that can be exploited in future actions.…”
Two experiments examined whether 4-month-olds (n = 120) who were induced to assign two objects to different categories would then be able to take advantage of these contrastive categorical encodings to individuate and track the objects. In each experiment, infants first watched functional demonstrations of two tools, a masher and tongs (Experiment 1) or a marker and a knife (Experiment 2). Next, half the infants saw the two tools brought out alternately from behind a screen, which was then lowered to reveal only one of the tools (different-objects condition); the other infants saw similar events except that the same tool was shown on either side of the screen (same-object condition). In both experiments, infants in the different-objects condition looked reliably longer than those in the same-object condition, and this effect was eliminated if the demonstrations involved similar but non-functional actions. Together, these results indicate that infants (a) were led by the functional demonstrations they observed to assign the two tools to distinct categories, (b) recruited these categorical encodings to individuate and track the tools, and hence (c) detected a violation in the different-objects condition when the screen was lowered to reveal only one tool. Categorical information thus plays a privileged role in individuation and identity tracking from a very young age.
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