Abstract:This paper examines spatial imaginaries and their ability to circumscribe and legitimate economic practices mediated by digital technologies, specifically, the practices of digital entrepreneurship. The question is whether alternative imaginaries and typologies of digital entrepreneurship can be included in how we view digital entrepreneurship in order to stimulate new practices and imagined futures. Our case studies of digital entrepreneurs in a number of African cities illustrate that popular and academic sp… Show more
“…The agri-food tech imaginaries presented in this paper can thus more precisely be identified as agri-food tech imaginaries originating from the Global North. Even if Northern entrepreneurial and financial actors often perceive themselves and their visions as 'global' (Ho 2005), which also applies to the actors investigated here, important regional differences exist (Wahome and Graham 2020). Our focus on the Global North is, however, reflective of the geographical spread of the agri-food tech industry.…”
Over the past decade, investments in agricultural and food technology startups have grown to previously unknown dimensions. Mushrooming agri-food tech startups that promise to solve critical issues in the agri-food system through technological innovation are increasingly perceived as an attractive new investment opportunity for venture capitalists and investors. This paper investigates how digital agri-food technologies are narrated, constructed, and promoted for financial investment. Through qualitative content analysis of agri-food tech industry reports, articles, and commentaries we trace the logic, rationales, and narratives of this most recent investment rush, and reveal its immanent techno-finance fixes. We conceptualize the agri-food imaginaries produced within the agri-food tech discourse as financialized imaginaries, and argue that they are specifically tailored to construct, incentivize, and legitimize this new agri-food tech space for financial investment. In their attempt to raise money from investors, venture capital firms further fuel this development by discursively creating an ‘agri-food tech investment rush’—similar to the land and gold rushes of the past. Investments in agri-food tech startups, however, are presented to investors as both a profitable investment opportunity as well as a moral obligation, allowing for food production to cope with neo-malthusian and environmental threats. This paper contributes to our understanding of digitization as a socio-technical project, which includes the active envisioning and promotion of desirable agri-food futures.
“…The agri-food tech imaginaries presented in this paper can thus more precisely be identified as agri-food tech imaginaries originating from the Global North. Even if Northern entrepreneurial and financial actors often perceive themselves and their visions as 'global' (Ho 2005), which also applies to the actors investigated here, important regional differences exist (Wahome and Graham 2020). Our focus on the Global North is, however, reflective of the geographical spread of the agri-food tech industry.…”
Over the past decade, investments in agricultural and food technology startups have grown to previously unknown dimensions. Mushrooming agri-food tech startups that promise to solve critical issues in the agri-food system through technological innovation are increasingly perceived as an attractive new investment opportunity for venture capitalists and investors. This paper investigates how digital agri-food technologies are narrated, constructed, and promoted for financial investment. Through qualitative content analysis of agri-food tech industry reports, articles, and commentaries we trace the logic, rationales, and narratives of this most recent investment rush, and reveal its immanent techno-finance fixes. We conceptualize the agri-food imaginaries produced within the agri-food tech discourse as financialized imaginaries, and argue that they are specifically tailored to construct, incentivize, and legitimize this new agri-food tech space for financial investment. In their attempt to raise money from investors, venture capital firms further fuel this development by discursively creating an ‘agri-food tech investment rush’—similar to the land and gold rushes of the past. Investments in agri-food tech startups, however, are presented to investors as both a profitable investment opportunity as well as a moral obligation, allowing for food production to cope with neo-malthusian and environmental threats. This paper contributes to our understanding of digitization as a socio-technical project, which includes the active envisioning and promotion of desirable agri-food futures.
“…Data were transcribed and subsequently subjected to manual coding following the principles of thematic analysis (Boeije, 2010). The analysis builds on the theoretical contribution of spatial imaginaries (Jessop, 2012;Graham, 2015) and their relationship with digital work (Wahome and Graham, 2020) to understand the disconnects between the imaginaries and ideas underpinning the digital work initiative developed by the social enterprise and the expectations and plans of the refugee women themselves about the use of information and communications technologies (ICTs) and engagement in digital forms of employability. The results obtained from the analysis are described in the next sections.…”
Section: Methodsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In particular, geography's conceptions of spatial imaginaries, defined as 'selective mental maps into complex spatial reality' (Jessop, 2012: 17), can be effective in identifying underlying positionalities that give sense to, enable and legitimise adoptions and productions of digital technology from different perspectives. As stated by Wahome and Graham (2020), technology production is not a neutral, objective process, but instead is shaped by specific ideologies, interests and place.…”
Section: Spatial Imaginaries Refugee Connectivity and The Digital Eco...mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Over the past few decades, digital forms of employability or the so-called digital economy has been seen as a window for economic development (Wahome andGraham, 2020: 1123). Discourses around it are increasingly more present in contexts of forced displacement, with digital inclusion of refugees being framed by humanitarian agencies as a fundamental human right and an essential tool to promote access to income and skills development (UNHCR, 2016).…”
Discourses around the so-called digital economy are increasingly more present in
contexts of forced displacement, with digital inclusion of refugees being framed
by humanitarian agencies as a fundamental human right and an essential tool to
promote access to income and skills development. While digital work can
certainly bring about positive changes in forced migration settings, imaginaries
around the role of the digital in refugees’ economic lives reflect a
broader neoliberal project that envisions a retreat of the welfare state and
that places on refugees the responsibility to integrate. This article draws on
spatial imaginaries frameworks to advance the theoretical understanding of power
differentials that are embodied in the use of technologies to promote refugee
livelihoods. A combination of interviews, participant and non-participant
observations was used to examine the perspectives of Venezuelan refugee women
and humanitarian actors in the context of a digital work initiative in the city
of Boa Vista, Brazil. The analysis reveals a mismatch between the imaginaries
underpinning digital work opportunities and the expectations and plans of the
refugee women themselves about the use of ICTs and engagement in digital forms
of employability. Such disconnect can reinforce inequalities for
refugee’s agency in the digital economy.
“…While superficially shocking, such arguments reflect the gig economy's neoliberal ethos more broadly. As Wahome and Graham (2020) cogently demonstrate, imaginaries of digital entrepreneurship are built on assumptions of neutrality, universality, and a level playing field. In this vein, Angelica related her faith in digital entrepreneurship and its mantra of both meritocracy and self‐reliance, saying: I would love to help them [Filipino teachers], I would love to just adopt them.…”
This article considers the rapidly expanding online market for English teaching. Drawing on interviews with 11 Filipino online English teachers and the first author's own experiences teaching English online, we examine how teachers feel under the conditions of precarity they experience in the gig economy for language teaching. In addressing the experiences of Filipino teachers, we introduce the notion of "discounted nativeness." Discounted nativeness describes Filipino teachers' ambivalent position within the online English teaching industry: platforms take advantage of Filipino teachers' high levels of English proficiency-up to and including passing them off as American teacherswhile the teachers experience discrimination from students and maltreatment by the platforms. The article concludes by discussing the need for sustained research into the burgeoning market for online language teaching.
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