Spanish existentials and other accusative constructions

Mondoñedo, Miguel Rodríguez

doi:10.1075/la.91.20rod

Cited by 22 publications

(11 citation statements)

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“…25 Different from English, the existential verb hay (there-is) does not accept proper nouns as internal nominals, not even under list-readings, as the intended reading of (58) seems to be (Suñer 1982, Leonetti 2005, Rodríguez-Mondoñedo 2006b In Catalan, however, the use of proper nouns with the existential verb haver is grammatical in these cases (Rigau 1994(Rigau , 1997Leonetti 2005): 25 Different from English, the existential verb hay (there-is) does not accept proper nouns as internal nominals, not even under list-readings, as the intended reading of (58) seems to be (Suñer 1982, Leonetti 2005, Rodríguez-Mondoñedo 2006b In Catalan, however, the use of proper nouns with the existential verb haver is grammatical in these cases (Rigau 1994(Rigau , 1997Leonetti 2005):…”

Section: Vila: Emiliomentioning

confidence: 99%

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The acquisition of Differential Object Marking in Spanish

Mondoñedo

2008

Probus

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In this paper, I show that a constraint-based approach to DOM, such as the OT system proposed by Aissen (2003), leads to the conclusion that the child will entertain a number of grammars different from the target grammar, before acquiring the final ranking of constraints, even under the learnability assumptions of the OT framework (such as those made by Tesar andSmolensky (1998, 2000). The data examined here, from Spanish-speaking children in the CHILDES database, clearly shows that children master Spanish DOM with a performance virtually errorless. This raises doubts regarding the capacity of the OT framework to explain a key aspect of human language, namely, the process of acquisition.

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Section: Vila: Emiliomentioning

confidence: 99%

“…In existential sentences (subject to the Definiteness Effect), nadie is also an object(Suñer (1982) and others), but it cannot receive a(Leonetti (2003(Leonetti ( , 2004,Rodríguez-Mondoñedo (2006a): No hay (*a) nadie en el parque ("There is nobody in the park"). Notice that nadie cannot be [+specific](contra Torrego 1998: 175).…”

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confidence: 99%

The acquisition of Differential Object Marking in Spanish

Mondoñedo

2008

Probus

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“…Theoretical explanations of the definiteness effect may be classified as to whether more or less abstract syntactic principles are invoked (e.g., Safir 1982;Longa et al 1996Longa et al , 1998Belletti 1987Belletti , 1988La Fauci and Loporcaro 1997;Rodríguez-Mondoñedo 2006, 2007a, 2007bBentley 2013), semantic ones (e.g., Milsark 1974Milsark , 1977Milsark , 1979Lumsden 1988;Blutner 1993;Enç 1991;Keenan 2003;Fischer 2016), or pragmatic-discursive ones (e.g., Abbott 1993Abbott , 2006Ward and Birner 1995;Zucchi 1995;Pons Rodríguez 2014). It is widely accepted, particularly in relation to Romance languages, that the theoretical complexity of the definiteness effect boils down to a conspiracy between syntactic, semantic, and discursive properties; Zucchi (1995Zucchi ( , 2003, McNally (1998McNally ( , 2016, or Leonetti (2008), for instance, acknowledge that the definiteness effect seems to be at the interplay between syntax, semantics, and some discursive-pragmatic factors.…”

Section: Previous Accountsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Existential Constructions, Definiteness Effects, and Linguistic Contact: At the Crossroads between Spanish and Catalan

Agulló

2023

Languages

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Existential sentences in Spanish are sensitive to the definiteness or quantification restriction or effect, which prevents personal pronouns, proper nouns, and definite constituents from occupying the pivot position. Contact varieties between Spanish, a robust language as regards the effect, and Catalan, which has a weaker version, remain largely unexplored. This paper fills this void. A large corpus was gathered to quantitatively study the variation between definite and indefinite pivots. Examples involving definite, specific pivots and even proper names, hitherto unnoticed, are brought to the fore. The pivot of the existential in Spanish is argued to bear Partitive case, as shown by (i) pronominal existential pivots in other Romance languages, (ii) the phi-feature defectiveness of the clitic out of the pivot position, (iii) and partitive pronouns with unaccusatives in Spanish. The hypothesis is put forth that varieties of Spanish in contact with Catalan no longer relate Partitive case to the non-definiteness of the pivot.

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“…En Rodríguez-Mondoñedo (2006) se argumenta que, en las construcciones existenciales del español, aquellas que usan al verbo Haber, el nominal no ocupa la posición-sujeto: en términos sintácticos, no hay algo que sature esta posición. De todas maneras, aquí marcaré la posición-sujeto con un pro en las construcciones existenciales, solo para contrastar esta instancia (este pro) con los otros de la oración a analizar: solo es una cuestión metodológica.…”

Section: Las Hayunclassified

Sobre los sujetos vacíos en español

Cerna-Herrera¹

2018

SYS

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El presente trabajo es una aplicación del ‘Principio de Proyección’ y del ‘Principio de Proyección Extendida’ a una oración existencial en español. Con el fin de, primero, saturar los marcos de subcategorización y, luego, señalar los distintos sujetos de la oración analizada, es que se revisan los tipos de sujetos vacíos (pro-pequeño y PRO-grande) en la oración y algunos aspectos de los verbos y las raíces verbales que la componen, de manera que se cumpla con los requisitos que plantean los dos principios mencionados. Hecho esto, se presentan ciertos fenómenos sobre la construcción de la oración que merecen estudios futuros.

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Spanish existentials and other accusative constructions

Cited by 22 publications

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The acquisition of Differential Object Marking in Spanish

The acquisition of Differential Object Marking in Spanish

Existential Constructions, Definiteness Effects, and Linguistic Contact: At the Crossroads between Spanish and Catalan

Sobre los sujetos vacíos en español

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