Sovereigntists and Associationists: Explaining the Origins of National Movements’ Political Orientation

Lluch, Jaime

doi:10.1080/13537113.2010.526917

Cited by 4 publications

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“…One of the factors that has been accredited with having a strong mobilising effect has been the impact of the civil pro-independence movements that have motivated a huge increase in public support for secession (Serrano, 2013). According to Lluch (2011), the nationalist project in Catalonia has shifted from a political to a civil movement and is reported by some to have had a stronger influence than political parties in mobilising the population (Ordeix and Ginesta, 2013). However, although it is often conceived as a bottom-up social movement rather than an elite-led one, as argued by Crameri (2015), this conception obscures the importance of the cultural elites within the pro-independence organisations whose expertise and media contacts have been central to the movement’s success.…”

Section: Introduction and Contextmentioning

confidence: 99%

Gendered dimensions of Catalan nationalism and identity construction on Twitter

Iveson

2017

Discourse & Communication

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Support for independence in Catalonia has been rapidly increasing since 2010. Civil organisations have been instrumental in the secessionist movement and have used social media to mobilise the Catalan public and raise national consciousness. Drawing on theories of national identity, gender and nation, and the discursive construction of national identity, this article examines constructions of national identity and the gendered dimensions of these constructions in a Twitter corpus collected in the week up to the public consultation on independence held in Catalonia in November 2014. Analysis of the contrasting representations of men and women found in the data suggests that, among both the elites and the public, the contemporary Catalan nationalist project continues to be built on traditional gender normative models of nationalism. The study concludes that this type of nationalism has now become so banal that it has been naturalised and suggests that a more inclusive approach may be needed in future campaigns or in the Catalan nationalist project as a whole.

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Section: Introduction and Contextmentioning

confidence: 99%

Gendered dimensions of Catalan nationalism and identity construction on Twitter

Iveson

2017

Discourse & Communication

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“… 1 In comparative politics, the internal variation in sub-state national movements is to be contrasted with across-case variation in sub-state national movements (Lluch, 2011a, b) and within-case temporal variation in sub-state national movements (Lluch, 2010). …”

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confidence: 99%

“… 8 My moral polity thesis is bound to be valid within these scope conditions in sub-state national societies located in federations or federal political systems (Watts, 2008), but also in unitary states, except that in the latter federalists are unlikely to exist, and the internal differentiation in the latter is only between secessionists and autonomists (Lluch, 2011a, b). These scope conditions encompass a number of national movements throughout the world, including the national movements of Galicia, the Basque Country, Flanders, Puerto Rico, etc.…”

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Internal variation in sub-state national movements and the moral polity of the nationalist

Lluch

2011

Eur. Pol. Sci. Rev.

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Variation in secessionism among sub-state nationalists is part of one of the great puzzles of ethnic politics. Sub-state national movements tend to bifurcate and, at times, trifurcate, into two or three basic nationalist orientations: independentist nationalism, autonomist nationalism (and its sub-variants), and federalist nationalism (and its sub-variants). There is a dearth of systematic comparative research into the sources and patterns of internal variation in the political orientations of sub-state national movements. This article investigates why some sub-state nationalists opt for a secessionist orientation while other nationalists within the same national movement opt for a variety of non-secessionist orientations. I use evidence gathered in Quebec and Catalonia, consisting of 42 interviews among the top leadership of the eight national parties of these societies, 15 focus group interviews with party militants, and 370 questionnaires answered by militants, etc. The national consciousness and materialist approaches fail to elucidate these issues. Instead, sub-state nationalists have expectations about what is fair treatment by the central state, and notions about what obligations emerge due to common membership in a plurinational state. Independentists and strong decentralizers (strong autonomists and radical asymmetric federalists) opt for their chosen orientations because they perceive that central state institutions are unable to promote an ethos of plurinational reciprocity and are aggrieved by state nationalism, while less-decentralizing nationalists (weak autonomists and traditional federalists) assert that the central state is capable of accommodation and reciprocity and have no grievances about state nationalism.

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Culture, Politics, and Identity in Scotland

Beauregard

2018

Cultural Policy and Industries of Identity

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Sovereigntists and Associationists: Explaining the Origins of National Movements’ Political Orientation

Cited by 4 publications

References 0 publications

Gendered dimensions of Catalan nationalism and identity construction on Twitter

Gendered dimensions of Catalan nationalism and identity construction on Twitter

Internal variation in sub-state national movements and the moral polity of the nationalist

Culture, Politics, and Identity in Scotland

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