Sovereign Bodies: Native Nations, Native American Women, and the Politics of 2018

Sánchez, Gabriel R.; Foxworth, Raymond; Evans, Laura

doi:10.1177/1065912920913303

Cited by 4 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 68 publications

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“…As was noted by Secretary of the Interior Deb Haaland, hundreds of Indigenous girls and women go missing every single year, with many of their cases going unsolved or not categorized as homicides due to lack of evidence (McDaniel 2021). The issues of violence and sexual assault in Indigenous communities has also been found to be a key issue among Native American voters (Sanchez et al 2021). As of June 2023 this is the best data available specifically noting ethnicity, sex, and homicide by state for the years we are studying.…”

Section: Models and Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Obstacles to Federal Policy Adoption: The Case of Special Domestic Violence Criminal Jurisdictions in Native American Tribal Nations

Sidorsky¹,

Schiller²

2023

Perspect. polit.

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A core tenet of representation is that individuals should expect government to actively protect their human security. In the issue area of domestic violence in the United States, government largely fails to do this for women, who comprise three-quarters of all victims of domestic violence. Nowhere is this more apparent than for Native American women living on tribal lands. In terms of lifetime physical violence, nearly 52% of Native American women will be physically abused compared to 30.5% of white women, 41.2% of African American women, and 29.7% of Hispanic women (Crepelle 2020; Institute for Women’s Policy Research 2023). One of the main obstacles to keeping Native American women safer is that tribal nations have been functionally prohibited from prosecuting non-Native offenders of violence against Native Americans on their lands. Non-Native offenders comprise the bulk of domestic violence abusers in these communities. To address this inequity, the 2013 Violence Against Women Act (VAWA) created Special Domestic Violence Criminal Jurisdictions (SDVCJs). Through an application process, federally recognized tribal nations can create these jurisdictions to provide justice for the many women who are victims of domestic violence at the hands of non-Native persons. In this article we explore which tribal nations created these jurisdictions using an original dataset of the 354 tribal nations that were eligible to adopt an SDVCJ following the 2013 VAWA reauthorization. As of 2022, 31 tribal nations have adopted SDVCJs across 13 states, which have led to 74 domestic violence convictions. In this article, we explain adoption of these courts as a function of population, tribal nation fiscal capacity, federal grant support, and having an existing self-governance compact with the Bureau of Indian Affairs.

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Section: Models and Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Obstacles to Federal Policy Adoption: The Case of Special Domestic Violence Criminal Jurisdictions in Native American Tribal Nations

Sidorsky¹,

Schiller²

2023

Perspect. polit.

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show abstract

“…Factors that are likely to impact access to a valid piece of identification include socio-economic status, age and gender; those with low levels of education and income are less likely to have a driver's license, and also more likely to face obstacles obtaining such an ID; women face unique challenges, due to the cultural norm related to changing one's name upon marriage; younger voters are more likely to be transient and to not have an updated address; and the elderly are more likely to have expired identification (Barreto et al ., 2019). Researchers have likewise found that gender is an important variable to the political incorporation of Native Americans, where men lag behind their female counterparts (Sanchez et al ., 2020). We then repeat the analysis, but among those without a valid piece of identification, and with respect to barriers to obtaining such identification.…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Battling the Hydra: the disparate impact of voter ID requirements in North Dakota

Barreto

Sánchez

Walker

2022

J. Race Ethnicity Politics

Self Cite

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Minority voters have experienced a renewed effort to curtail their access to the ballot box in recent years. Although a host of research has examined the impact of election changes on Black and Latino voters, scholars have dedicated much less attention to the rights of Native Americans, even as they face challenges to voting in states where they comprise a significant portion of the population. Many of these states are likewise increasingly important to national elections. Such laws may impact Native Americans when they intersect with the political geography of living on a reservation, and voting rights advocates have challenged them in places like MT, NV and ND. This paper empirically evaluates how such laws might uniquely impact Native American voters. We draw on North Dakota's voter identification law as a case study, but our analysis has wider implications, since residency is the primary means by which election administration uniquely impacts this group. Drawing on two rich survey datasets collected in 2015 and 2017, we offer descriptive evidence of the barriers individuals may encounter while trying to obtain an ID under North Dakota's law, and find that Native Americans are statistically less likely to have access to an ID than are whites. This gap is largely due to the requirement that an ID has a physical address and attendant difficulties in obtaining such an ID, given the remote nature of reservations. We bring needed attention to the impact of carefully crafted electoral rules on this often-overlooked group.

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“…Although the high of eighty-one in 2018 amounted only to roughly 1 percent of all state legislators across the country, the sharp increase is notable. Concurrently, Native Americans are participating in politics at greater rates and are key constituents in deciding electoral outcomes (Evans et al 2019;Foxworth and Sanchez 2020;Sanchez, Foxworth, and Evans 2020). The growing political influence of Native Americans, we argue, enabled elected officials from Native American communities to advocate more effectively for their constituents.…”

Section: Descrip Tiv E and Sub S Tantiv E Representationmentioning

confidence: 96%

Representative Voices: Native American Representation, Political Power, and COVID-19 in U.S. States

Evans

Foxworth

Sánchez

et al. 2022

rsf

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l aur a e. eva ns, r aY mond fox worth, ga br iel r. sa nchez, cherY l ellen wood, a nd ca r mel a m. roY ba lWe examine predictors of COVID-19 cases in Native nations during the early months of the pandemic. We find that where Native American representation and Native American political power in state politics were greater, COVID-19 cases on tribal lands were fewer. We expand the literatures on descriptive representation and on tribal-state relations by demonstrating consequences of powerful Native American voices in the statehouse. We find that Native American voices on tribal lands are also vital. Tribal lands that had extensive networks of community-based health facilities and tribally controlled health facilities recorded fewer COVID-19 cases. The broader lesson here is that if Native nations are to protect their citizens, they need outside governments that support, not thwart. Our findings draw on unique, original quantitative analysis.

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Sovereign Bodies: Native Nations, Native American Women, and the Politics of 2018

Cited by 4 publications

References 68 publications

Obstacles to Federal Policy Adoption: The Case of Special Domestic Violence Criminal Jurisdictions in Native American Tribal Nations

Obstacles to Federal Policy Adoption: The Case of Special Domestic Violence Criminal Jurisdictions in Native American Tribal Nations

Battling the Hydra: the disparate impact of voter ID requirements in North Dakota

Representative Voices: Native American Representation, Political Power, and COVID-19 in U.S. States

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