“…7 Fighting against poverty and eradicating hunger was not only a proposal of Lula for his term, but it was also described somehow as his 'mission in life' in his speeches. His government was characterized by so-called 'Presidential diplomacy', that is the direct engagement of the head of government on the international stage (Marcondes & Mawdsley, 2017). As an example, during his government, he had 33 missions to Africa.…”
Section: A Social Policy Brand Called 'Lula'mentioning
In the past decade, Brazil became a model for social policies, 'exporting' ideas and techniques to tackle issues on social participation, poverty and hunger mostly to Southern countries, but also to the Northern States. International policy diffusion is immersed in a complex web of relations established among a plethora of actors participating in various moments and spaces. How policies become models for exporting? Why Brazil was elected as a showcase for social policies? Which actors were engaged in this process? The literature presents different arguments that focus on international organizations, think-tanks, epistemic communities, private agents, networks and so on to explain how policy models travel from a place to another. In this study, the action of exporting elites and their circulation between various institutions are put under analysis to understand diffusion. We introduce in this article a new concept of 'Policy Ambassador', a transnational transfer agent, to explain the diffusion of Brazilian social policy ideas and instruments in the areas of participatory democracy, fight against poverty and hunger eradication.
“…7 Fighting against poverty and eradicating hunger was not only a proposal of Lula for his term, but it was also described somehow as his 'mission in life' in his speeches. His government was characterized by so-called 'Presidential diplomacy', that is the direct engagement of the head of government on the international stage (Marcondes & Mawdsley, 2017). As an example, during his government, he had 33 missions to Africa.…”
Section: A Social Policy Brand Called 'Lula'mentioning
In the past decade, Brazil became a model for social policies, 'exporting' ideas and techniques to tackle issues on social participation, poverty and hunger mostly to Southern countries, but also to the Northern States. International policy diffusion is immersed in a complex web of relations established among a plethora of actors participating in various moments and spaces. How policies become models for exporting? Why Brazil was elected as a showcase for social policies? Which actors were engaged in this process? The literature presents different arguments that focus on international organizations, think-tanks, epistemic communities, private agents, networks and so on to explain how policy models travel from a place to another. In this study, the action of exporting elites and their circulation between various institutions are put under analysis to understand diffusion. We introduce in this article a new concept of 'Policy Ambassador', a transnational transfer agent, to explain the diffusion of Brazilian social policy ideas and instruments in the areas of participatory democracy, fight against poverty and hunger eradication.
“…It's also worth noting that Brazilian South-South co-operation engagement was not linear during all PT administrations and followed various patterns over this period of time. According to Marcondes and Mawdsley (2017), the expansion occurred during Lula's administration, including increasing the ABC budget, while a retreat occurred during Rousseff's term. The authors also state that this change of scenario had two major underlying drivers, the first being that Rousseff had a different personality and government style -which gave priority to domestic issues and she was not keen on presidential diplomacy.…”
The importation of foreign models is part of Brazil’s institution building story, owing to its Portuguese colonisation and the influence of European countries and the United States. After the transition to democracy and the Constitution of 1988, the scenario began to change. The country developed social policy innovations that rose to a national scale when the Workers’ Party took office. These innovations started to spread globally, and international organisations began to recommend Brazilian social policies. Examples of Brazilian policies that have been transferred are the Family Allowance and the National School Feeding Programs. How has Brazil moved from importing foreign institutions to becoming a Southern country reference in terms of social policies? The main argument here is that Brazil, while building itself into a rising power, has developed new patterns of policy transfers that have so far been overlooked by the field literature. Through a process-tracing analysis of Brazil’s social policy diffusion, we have been able to identify different forces that facilitate these transfers, such as a quest for international legitimacy, the role of “policy ambassadors,” the joint efforts of various national institutions, Brazilians occupying positions in international organisations, and the creation of institutions designed for these policy transfers.
“…A number of Southern partners appear to be projecting an increasingly pragmatic set of underlying principles, with less reference to the lofty ideals of Southern solidarity. For example, Marcondes and Mawdsley (b: 689) note that:After a few months in office, [President] Rousseff told [Foreign Minister] Patriota that she was interested in a results‐orientated diplomacy, with more concrete achievements and less ‘symbolism’. This emphasis continued during her second term.…”
A more polycentric global development landscape has emerged over the past decade or so, rupturing the formerly dominant North–South axis of power and knowledge. This can be traced through more diversified development norms, institutions, imaginaries and actors. This paper looks at one trend within this turbulent field: namely, the ways in which ‘Northern’ donors appear to be increasingly adopting some of the narratives and practices associated with ‘Southern’ development partners. This direction of travel stands in sharp contrast to expectations in the early new millennium that the (so‐called) ‘traditional’ donors would ‘socialise’ the ‘rising powers’ to become ‘responsible donors’. After outlining important caveats about using such cardinal terms, the paper explores three aspects of this ‘North’ to ‘South’ movement. These are (i) the stronger and more explicit claim to ‘win‐win’ development ethics and outcomes; (ii) the (re)turn from ‘poverty reduction’ to ‘economic growth’ as the central analytic of development; and (iii) related to both, the explicit and deepening blurring and blending of development finances and agendas with trade and investment.
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